BOUGHT  FROM 
SPftCCKELS 


THIRTY-FIFTH    THOUSAND. 


LIFE 


PUBLIC    SERVICES 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS, 


SIXTH    PRESIDENT    OF    THE    UNITED    STATES. 


THE     EULOGY 

DELIVERED  BEFORE  THE  LEGISLATURE  OF  NEW  YORK. 

BY  WILLIAM  H.   SEWARD. 


«THIS  IS  THE  END  OF  EARTH— I  AM  CONTENT." 

iTY 

^NEWYORK  AKD  AUBURN: 
MILLER,  OUT  ON  &  MULLIGAN, 

New  York:  25  Park  Row.— Auburn:  107  Genesee-st. 

1856. 


SPRECMLS 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1849,  by 

DERBY,  MILLER  &  COMPANY, 
In  the  Cierk's  Office  for  the  Northern  District  of  Mew  York- 


TO   THE 

FRIENDS     OF     EQUAL    LIBERTY 

AND    HUMAN   RIGHTS 
THROUGHOUT    THE    WORLD, 


IS    RESPECTFULLY    INSCRIBED. 


101540 


ADVERTISEMENT. 


THE  Publishers  apologize  for  the  delay  in  issuing 
this  volume,  which  was  announced  by  them  as  in 
press,  more  than  one  year  since,  shortly  after  the  de 
cease  of  its  illustrious  subject.  Gov.  Seward,  in 
undertaking  its  preparation,  was  well  aware  of  the 
engrossing  attention  which  his  professional  duties  re 
quired,  but  looked  constantly  for  relaxation  from  his 
multiplied  business  engagements,  in  the  hope  that  he 
might  be  able  to  complete  the  work  commenced  by 
him.  It  however  became  necessary  for  its  timely 
completion,  to  obtain  the  literary  assistance  of  an  able 
writer,  who  has,  under  his  auspices,  completed  the 
work.  The  Publishers  confidently  believe,  that  it  will 
in  all  respects,  be  received  as  a  faithful  and  impartial 
history  of  the  Life  of  the  "  Old  Man  Eloquent,"  and 
worthy  a  place  in  the  library  of  every  friend  of  liberty 
and  humanity. 


ME  FACE, 


THE  claims  of  this  volume  are  humble.  For  more 
than  half  a  century  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  had  occu 
pied  a  prominent  position  before  the  American  people, 
and  filled  a  large  space  in  his  country's  history.  His 
career  was  protracted  to  extreme  old  age.  He  out 
lived  political  enmity  and  party  rancor.  His  purity 
of  life — his  elevated  and  patriotic  principles  of  action 
— his  love  of  country,  and  devotion  to  its  interests — 
his  advocacy  of  human  freedom,  and  the  rights  of  man 
— brought  all  to  honor  and  love  him.  Admiring  legis 
lators  hung  with  rapture  on  the  lips  of  "the  Old  Man 
Eloquent,"  and  millions  eagerly  perused  the  senti 
ments  he  uttered,  as  they  were  .scattered  by  the  press 
in  every  town  and  hamlet  of  the  Western  Continent. 
At  his  decease,  there  was  a  general  desire  expressed 
for  a  history  of  his  life  and  times.  A  work  of  this  de 
scription  was  understood  to  be  in  preparation  by  his 
family.  It  was  not  probable,  however,  that  this  could 
appear  under  several  years,  and  when  published, 
would  undoubtedly  be  placed,  by  its  size  and  cost,  be- 


Xll  PREFACE. 

yond  the  reach  of  the  great  mass  of  readers.  In 
view  of  these  circumstances,  there  was  an  evident 
Want  of  a  volume  of  more  limited  compass — a  book 
which  would  come  within  the  means  of  the  people 
generally, — and  adapted  not  only  for  libraries,  and  the 
higher  classes  of  society,  but  would  find  its  way  into 
the  midst  of  those  moving  in  the  humbler  walks  of  life. 
To  supply  this  want,  the  present  work  has  been  pre 
pared.  The  endeavor  has  been  made  to  compress 
within  a  brief  compass,  the  principal  events  of  the  life 
of  Mr.  Adams,  and  the  scenes  in  which  he  participated  ; 
and  to  portray  the  leading  traits  of  character  which 
distinguished  him  from  his  contemporaries.  It  has 
been  the  aim  to  present  such  an  aspect  of  the  history 
and  principles  of  this  wonderful  man,  as  shall  do  jus 
tice  to  his  memory,  and  afford  an  example  which  the 
youth  of  America  may  profitably  imitate  in  seeking 
for  a  model  by  which  to  shape  their  course  through 
life.  How  far  this  end  has  been  attained,  an  intelli 
gent  and  candid  public  must  determine. 


CONTENTS, 


CHAPTER  I. 

MM 

The    Ancestry,    Birth,    and     Childhood    of    John    Quincy 
Adams.          ...         .         .         .          .  17 

CHAPTER  II. 

John  Quincy  Adams  studies  Law — His  Practice — Engages 
in  Public  Life — Appointed  Minister  to  the  Hague.        .        .     45 

CHAPTER  III. 

Mr.  Adams   transferred  to  Berlin — His   Marriage — Literary* 
Pursuits — Travels    in    Silesia — Negotiates    Treaties    with 
Sweden  and  Prussia — Recalled  to  the  United  States.  ,     63 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Mr.  Adams'  Return  to  the  United  States— Elected  to  tfie 
Massachusetts  Senate — Appointed  U.  S.  Senator — Supports 
Mr.  Jefferson — Professor  of  Rhetoric  and  Belles  Lettres — 
Appointed  Minister  to  Russia.  .  .  .  .  .82 

CHAPTER  V. 

Mr.  Adams'  arrival    at   St.  Petersburg — His   Letters  to  bis 
Son  on  the  Bible — His  Religious  Opinions — Russia  offers 
Mediation  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States—  ^ 
A* 


XIV  CONTENTS. 

PA*a 

Proceeds  to  Ghent  to  negotiate  for  Peace — Visits  Paris — 
Appointed  Minister  at  St.  James — Arrives  in  London.  .     97 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Mr.  Adams  appointed  Secretary  of  State — Arrives  in  the 
United  States — Public  Dinners  in  New  York  and  Boston — 
Takes  up  his  Residence  in  Washington — Defends  Gen. 
Jackson  in  the  Florida  Invasion — Recognition  of  South 
American  Independence — Greek  Revolution.  .  .  .113 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Mr.  Adams'  nomination  to  the  Presidency — Spirited  Presi 
dential  Campaign — No  choice  by  the  People — Election  goes 
to  the  House  of  Representatives — Mr.  Adams  elected  Presi 
dent — His  Inauguration — Forms  his  Cabinet.  .  .  .137 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Charges  of  Corruption  against  Mr.  Clay  and  Mr.  Adams — Mr. 
Adams    enters    upon    his    duties    as    President — Visit    of 
La  Fayette — Tour  through  the  United  States — Mr.  Adams 
delivers  him  a  Farewell  Address — Departs  from  the  United 
States.  162 

CHAPTER  IX. 

John  Adams  and  Thomas  Jefferson — Their  Correspondence — 
Their  Death — Mr.  Webster's  Eulogy — John  Q.  Adams 
visits  Qnincy — His  Speech  at  the  Public  School  Dinner  in 
Faneuil  Hall 187 

CHAPTER  X. 

Mr.  Adams'  Administration — Refuses  to  remove  political 
opposers  from  office — Urges  the  importance  of  Internal  Im 
provements — Appoints  Commissioners  to  the  Congress  of 
Panama — His  policy  toward  the  Indian  Tribes — His  Speech 
on  breaking  ground  for  the  Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Canal — 
Bitter  opposition  to  his  Administration — Fails  of  re-election 
to  the  Presidency — Retires  from  office.  ....  202 


CONTENTS.  XV 

CHAPTER  XI. 

PAGE 

Mr.  Adams'  multiplied  attainments — Visited  by  Southern 
Gentlemen — His  Report  on  Weights  and  Measures — His 
Poetry — Erects  a  Monument  to  the  memory  of  his  Parents 
— Elected  Member  of  Congress — Letter  to  the  Bible  Society 
— Delivers  Eulogy  on  Death  of  ex-President  Monroe.  .  .  232 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Mr.  Adams  takes  his  seat  in  Congress — His  Position  and 
Habits  as  a  Member — His  Independence  of  Party — His 
Eulogy  on  the  Death  of  ex-President  James  Madison — His 
advocacy  of  the  Right  of  Petition,  and  Opposition  truSifi-  A 
very — Insurrection  in  Texas — Mr.  Adams  makes  known  its 
•^ulterior  oDject.  .  !  .  'I I  r  .  .  .  254 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Mr.  Adams  presents  Petitions  for  the  Abolishment  of  Slavery 
— Opposition  of  Southern  Members — Exciting  Scenes  in  the 
House  of  Representatives — Marks  of  confidence  in  Mr. 
Adams.  .  280 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Mr.  Adams'  firmness  in  discharge  of  duty — His  exertions 
in  behalf  of  the  Amistad  Slaves — His  connection  with  the 
Smithsonian  Bequest — Tour  through  Canada  and  New  York 
— His  reception  at  Buffalo — Visits  Niagara  Falls — Attends 
worship  with  the  Tuscarora  Indians — His  reception  at 
Rochester — at  Auburn — at  Albany — at  Pittsfield — Visits 
Cincinnati — Assists  in  laying  the  Corner  Stone  of  an  Ob 
servatory .  .  .  300 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Mr.   Adams'   Last  Appearance   in    Public    at    Boston — His 
Health — Lectures  on  his  Journey  to  Washington — Remote 


Xv  CONTENTS. 

Cause  of   his   Decease— Struck   with    Paralysis— Leaves    \ 
Quincy  for  Washington  for  the  last  time— His  final  Sick-     i 
ness  in  the  House  of  Representatives— His  Death— The 
Funeral  at  Washington — Removal  of  the  Body  to  Quincy — 
Its  Interment. 325 

EULOGY.  .  •  .357 


jf       ^   OF  THE     '       % 

t   UNIVERSITY 

Ve,,   "^ 


THE  LIFE  OF  JOHN  QDINCY  ADAMS, 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE    ANCESTRY,    BIRTH,    AND    CHILDHOOD,    OF   JOHN    QUINCY 
ADAMS. 

THE  Puritan  Pilgrims  of  the  May-Flower  landed  on 
Plymouth  Rock,  and  founded  the  Colony  of  Massa 
chusetts,  on  the  21st  day  of  December,  1620. 

HENRY  ADAMS,  the  founder  of  the  Adams  family  in 
America,  fled  from  ecclesiastical  oppression  in  England, 
and  joined  the  Colony  at  a  very  early  period,  but  at 
what  precise  time  is  not  recorded.  He  erected  his 
humble  dwelling  at  a  place  within  the  present  town  of 
QUINCY,  then  known  as  MOUNT  WOLLASTON,  and  is 
believed  to  have  been  an  inhabitant  when  the  first 
Christian  Church  was  gathered  there  in  1639.  On  the 
organization  of  the  town  of  Braintree,  which  com 
prised  the  place  of  his  residence,  he  was  elected  Clerk 
of  the  Town.  He  died  on  the  eighth  day  of  October, 
1646.  His  memory  is  preserved  by  a  plain  granite 
monument,  erected  in  the  burial-ground  at  Quincy, 


18  LIFE    OF    JOHN   QUINCY    ADAMS. 

by  JOHN  ADAMS,  President  of  the  United  States,  and 
bearing  this  inscription  : — 

In 

or 

HENRY     ADAMS, 

Who  took  his  flight  from  the  Dragon  Persecution  in  Devonshire,  in 
England,  and  alighted  with  eight  sons,   near  Mount  Wollaston. 
One  of  the  sons  returned  to  England,  and  after  taking  time 
to   explore   the  country,  four  removed  to  Medfield  and 
the  neighboring  towns ;    two   to   Chelmsford.      One 
only,    Joseph,   who   lies  here   at   his  left  hand, 
remained  here,   who  was  an  original  pro 
prietor  in  the  Township  of  Braintree, 
incorporated  in    the   year    1639. 

This  stone,  and  several  others,  have  been  placed  in  this  yard,  by  a 
great-great-grandson,  from  a  veneration  of  the  piety,  humility,  simpli 
city,  prudence,  patience,  temperance,  frugality,  industry,  and  persever 
ance  of  his  ancestors,  in  hopes  of  recommending  an  imitation  of  their 
virtues  to  their  posterity. 

Joseph  Adams,  the  son  of  Henry  Adams  mentioned 
in  the  above  inscription,  died  on  the  sixth  of  Decem 
ber,  1694,  aged  sixty-eight  years.  Joseph,  the  next  in 
succession,  died  February  12th,  1736,  at  the  age  of 
eighty-four  years.  His  son  John  Adams,  was  a  Dea 
con  of  the  Church  at  Quincy,  and^died  May  25th, 
1761,  aged  seventy  years.  This  John  Adams  was  the 
father  of  him  who  was  destined  to  give  not  only  un 
dying  fame  to  his  ancient  family,  but  a  new  and  powerful 
impulse  to  the  cause  of  Human  Freedom  throughout 
the  world. 

JOHN  ADAMS,  son  of  John  Adams  and  Susannah 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  19 

Boylston  Adams,  was  born  at  Quincy  on  the  nine 
teenth  day  of  October  (old  style),  1735.  He  received 
the  honors  of  Harvard  University  in  1755,  and  then, 
in  pursuance  of  a  good  old  New  England  custom, 
which  made  those  who  had  enjoyed  the  benefits  of  a 
public  education,  in  turn  impart  those  benefits  to  the 
public,  he  was  occupied  for  a  time  in  teaching. 

It  ought  to  encourage  all  young  men  in  straitened 
circumstances,  desirous  of  obtaining  a  profession  and 
of  rising  to  eminence,  to  know  that  John  Adams,  who 
became  so  illustrious  by  talents  and  achievement  as  to 
lend  renown  to  the  office  of  President  of  the  United 
States,  pursued  the  study  of  the  law  under  the  incon 
veniences  resulting  from  his  occupation  as  an  instruc 
tor  in  a  Grammar  School. 

John  Adams  was  an  eminent  and  successful  lawyer, 
but  it  was  not  the  design  of  his  existence  that  his  tal 
ents  should  be  wasted  in  the  contentions  of  the  courts. 

The  British  Parliament,  as  soon  as  the  Colonies  had 
attracted  their  notice,  commenced  a  system  of  legisla 
tion  known  as  the  Colonial  System,  the  object  of 
which  was  to  secure  to  the  mother  country  a  monop 
oly  of  their  trade,  and  to  prevent  their  rising  to  a  con 
dition  of  strength  and  independence.  The  effect  of 
this  system  was  to  prevent  all  manufactures  in  the  Col 
onies,  and  all  trade  with  foreign  countries,  and  even 
with  the  adjacent  plantations. 

The  Colonies  remonstrated  in  vain  against  this  pol 
icy,  but  owing  to  popular  dissatisfaction,  the  regula- 


20  LIFE    OP    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

tions  were  not  rigidly  enforced.  At  length  an  Order 
in  Council  was  passed,  which  directed  the  officers  of 
the  customs  in  Massachusetts  Bay,  to  execute  the  acts 
of  trade.  A  question  arose  in  the  Supreme  Court  of 
that  province  in  1761,  upon  the  constitutional  right  of 
the  British  Parliament  to  bind  the  Colonies.  The  trial 
produced  great  excitement.  The  cause  was  argued 
for  the  Crown  by  the  King's  Attorney-General,  and 
against  the  laws  by  James  Otis. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  question  thus  involved  was 
the  very  one  that  was  finally  submitted  to  the  arbi 
trament  of  arms  in  the  American  Revolution.  The 
speech  of  Otis  on  the  occasion,  was  an  effort  of  sur 
passing  ability.  John  Adams  was  a  witness,  and  he 
recorded  his  opinion  of  it,  and  his  opinion  of  the  mag 
nitude  of  the  question,  thus: 

"Otis  was  a  flame  of  fire!  With  a  promptitude  of 
classical  allusion,  a  depth  of  research,  a  rapid  summary 
of  historical  events  and  dates,  a  profusion  of  legal  au 
thorities,  a  prophetic  glance  of  his  eyes  into  futurity,  a 
rapid  torrent  of  impetuous  eloquence,  he  hurried  away 
all  before  him.  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE  was  then 
and  there  born.  Every  man  of  an  unusually  crowded 
audience,  appeared  to  me  to  go  away  ready  to  take  up 
arms  against  Writs  of  Assistance." 

Speaking  on  the  same  subject,  on  another  occasion, 
John  Adams  said  that  "  James  Otis  then  and  there 
breathed  into  this  nation  the  breath  of  life." 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCV    ADAMS.  21 

From  that  day  John  Adams  was  an  enthusiast  for 
the  independence  of  his  country. 

In  1764  he  married  Abigail,  daughter  of  the  Rever 
end  William  Smith,  of  Weymouth.  The  mother  of 
John  Quincy  Adams  was  a  woman  'of  great  beauty 
and  high  intellectual  endowments,  and  she  combined, 
with  the  proper  accomplishments  of  her  sex,  a  sweet 
ness  of  disposition^and  a~generous  sympathy  with  the 
patriotic  devotion  of  her  illustrious  husband. 

In  1765,  the  British  Parliament,  in  contempt  of  the 
discontent  of  the  Colonies,  presumptuously  passed  the 
Stamp  Act;  a  law  which  directed  taxed  stamped  pa 
per  to  be  used  in  all  legal  instruments  in  the  Colonies. 
The  validity  of  the  law  was  denied;  and  while  Patrick 
Henry  was  denouncing  it  in  Virginia,  James  Otis  and 
John  Adams  argued  against  it  before  the  Governor 
and  Council  of  Massachusetts. 

The  occasion  called  forth  from  John  Adams  a  "Dis 
sertation  on  the  Canon  and  Feudal  Laws," — a  work, 
which  although  it  was  of  a  general  character  in  regard 
to  government,  yet  manifested  democratic  sentiments 
unusual  in  those  times,  and  indicated  that  republican 
institutions  were  the  proper  institutions  for  the  Amer 
ican  People. 

The  resistance  to  the  stamp  act  throughout  the  Col 
onies  procured  its  repeal  in  1766.  But  the  British 
Government  accompanied  the  repeal  with  an  ungra 
cious  declaratory  act,  by  which  they  asserted  "thai 
the  Parliament  had,  and  of  right  ought  to  have,  power 


22  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

to  bind  the  Colonies,  in  all  cases  whatsoever."  In  the 
next  year  a  law  was  passed,  which  imposed  duties  in 
the  Colonies,  on  glass,  paper,  paints,  and  tea.  The 
spirit  of  insubordination  manifested  itself  throughout 
the  Colonies,  and,  inasmuch  as  it  radiated  from  Boston, 
British  ships  of  war  were  stationed  in  its  harbor, 
and  two  regiments  of  British  troops  were  thrown  in 
the  town,  to  compel  obedience.  John  Adams  had 
now  become  known  as  the  most  intrepid,  zealous, 
and  indefatigable  opposer  of  British  usurpation.  The 
Crown  tried  upon  him  in  vain  the  royal  arts  so  suc 
cessful  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic.  The  Gover 
nor  and  Council  offered  him  the  place  of  Advocate 
General  in  the  Court  of  Admiralty,  an  office  of  great 
value;  he  declined  it,  "decidedly,  peremptorily,  but  re 
spectfully." 

At  this  interesting  crisis,  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  wyas 
born,  at  Quincy,  on  the  llth  of  July,  1767.  A  lesson, 
full  of  instruction  concerning  the  mingled  influences 
of  piety  and  patriotism  in  New  England,  at  that  time, 
is  furnished  to  us  by  the  education  of  the  younger 
Adams.  Nor  can  we  fail  to  notice  that  each  of  those 
virtues  retained  its  relative  power  over  him,  through 
out  his  long  and  eventful  life.  He  \vas  brought  into 
the  church  and  baptized  on  the  day  after  that  on 
which  he  was  born. 

John  Quincy  Adams,  in  one  of  his  letters,  thus  men 
tions  the  circumstances  of  his  baptism: 

"The  house  at  Mount  Wollaston  has  a  peculiar  in- 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS.  23 

terest  to  me,  as  the  dwelling  of  my  great-grandfather, 
whose  name  I  bear.  The  incident  which  gave  rise  to 
this  circumstance  is  not  without  its  moral  to  my  heart. 
He  was  dying,  wrhen  I  was  baptized  ;  and  his  daughter, 
my  grandmother,  present  at  my  birth,  requested  that  I 
might  receive  his  name.  The  fact,  recorded  by  my 
father  at  the  time,  has  connected  with  that  portion  of 
my  name,  a  charm  of  mingled  sensibility  and  devotion. 
It  was  filial  tenderness  that  gave  the  name.  It  was 
the  name  of  one  passing  from  earth  to  immortality. 
These  have  been  among  the  strongest  links  of  my  at 
tachment  to  the  name  of  Quincy,  and  have  been  to 
me,  through  life,  a  perpetual  admonition  to  do  nothing 
unworthy  of  it." 

It  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  character  of  the  per 
son  from  whom,  in  such  affecting  circumstances,  he 
derived  an  honorable  patronymic,  was  an  object  of 
emulation.  John  Quincy  was  a  gentleman  of  wealth, 
education,  and  influence.  He  was  for  a  long  time 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives  in  Massachu 
setts,  and  during  many  years  one  of  His  Majesty's 
Provincial  Council.  He  was  a  faithful  representative, 
and  throughout  his  public  services,  a  vigorous  defender 
of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  Colony.  Exemplary 
in  private  life,  and  earnest  in  piety,  he  enjoyed  the 
public  confidence,  through  a  civil  career  of  forty  years' 
duration. 

The  American  Revolution  was  rapidly  hurrying  on 
during  the  infancy  of  John  Quincy  Adams.  In  1769 


24  LIFE    OF    JOHN    ClUINCY    ADAMS. 

the  citizens  of  Boston  held  a  meeting  in  which  they 
instructed  their  representatives  in  the  Provincial  Leg 
islature  to  resist  the  usurpations  of  the  British  Govern 
ment.  John  Adams  was  chairman  of  the  committee 
that  prepared  these  instructions,  and  his  associates 
were  Richard  Dana  and  Joseph  Warren,  the  same  dis 
tinguished  patriot  who  gave  up  his  life  as  one  of  the 
earliest  sacrifices  to  freedom,  in  the  battle  of  Bunker 
Hill. 

Those  instructions  were  expressed  in  the  bold  and 
decided  tone  of  John  Adams,  and  they  increased  the 
public  excitement  in  the  province,  by  the  earnestness 
with  which  they  insisted  on  the  removal  of  the  British 
troops  from  Boston. 

The  popular  irritation  increased,  until  on  the  5th  of 
March,  1770,  a  collision  occurred  between  the  troops 
and  some  of  the  inhabitants  of  Boston,  in  which  five 
citizens  were  killed,  and  many  wounded.  This  was 
called  the  Bloody  Massacre.  The  exasperated  inhab 
itants  were  with  difficulty  restrained  from  retaliating 
this  severity  by  an  extermination  of  all  the  British 
troops.  A  public  meeting  was  held,  and  a  committee, 
of  which  SAMUEL  ADAMS  was  chairman,  was  appointed 
to  address  the  Governor  (Gage),  and  demand  that  the 
troops  should  be  withdrawn.  John  Adams  described 
the  excitement,  on  a  later  occasion,  in  these  words : 

"  Not  only  the  immense  assemblies  of  the  people 
from  day  to  day,  but  military  arrangements  from  night 
to  night,  were  necessary  to  keep  the  people  and  the 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  25 

*o]diers  from  getting  together  by  the  ears.  The  life  of 
a  red-coat  would  not  have  been  safe  in  any  street  or 
corner  of  the  town.  Nor  would  the  lives  of  the  inhab 
itants  have  been  much  more  secure.  The  whole  mili 
tia  of  the  city  was  in  requisition,  and  military  watches 
and  guards  were  everywhere  placed.  We  were  all 
upon  a  level.  No  man  was  exempted :  our  military 
officers  were  our  only  superiors.  I  had  the  honor  to 
be  summoned  in  my  turn,  and  attended  at  the  State 
House  with  my  musket  and  bayonet,  my  broadsword 
and  cartridge-box,  under  the  command  of  the  famous 
Paddock." 

The  Governor  withdrew  the  troops  and  sent  them 
to  the  castle  :  the  commanding  officer  and  some  of  the 
soldiers  were  arrested,  and  brought  to  trial  for  murder. 

John  Adams,  the  advocate  and  leader  of  the  exaspe 
rated  people,  was  solicited  by  the  Government  to  act 
as  counsel  for  the  accused.  The  people,  in  the  heat 
of  passion,  would  naturally  identify  the  lawyer  with 
his  clients,  and  both  with  the  odious  cause  in  which 
they  served.  John  Adams  did  not  hesitate.  His 
principle  was  fidelity  to  duty  in  all  the  relations  of  life. 
Adams,  together  with  Josiah  Quincy,  defended  the  ac 
cused  with  ability  and  firmness,  and  the  result  crowned 
not  only  the  advocates,  but  the  jury  and  the  people 
of  Boston  with  honor.  Distinguishing  between  the 
Government,  upon  \vhom  the  responsibility  rested,  and 
th';  troops  who  were  its  agents,  the  jury  acquitted  the 
a/  ^-ised.  The  people  sustained  the  verdict ;  affording 

2 


20  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

to  Great  Britain  and  to  the  world  a  noble  proof,  that 
they  had  been  well  prepared  by  education  l6i*  the  trust 
of  self-government. 

The  controversy  between  the  Province  of  Massa 
chusetts  and  the  British  Government  continued,  and 
the  exasperation  of  the  Colonies  became  more  intense, 
until  the  destruction  of  the  imported  tea  in  the  harbor, 
in  December,  1773,  incensed  the  Ministry  so  highly, 
that  they  procured  an  act  closing  the  port  of  Boston. 
This  act  was  followed  by  the  convention  of  the  first 
American  Congress  at  Philadelphia,  on  the  5th  of  Sep 
tember,  1774.  As  John  Adams  had  been  the  master 
spirit  in  the  agitation  in  Massachusetts,  he  was  ap 
pointed  one  of  the  Delegates  to  the  General  Congress. 
After  his  election,  his  friend  Sewall,  the  King's  Attor 
ney  General,  labored  earnestly  to  dissuade  him  from 
accepting  the  appointment. 

The  Attorney  General  told  the  delegate  that  Great 
Britain  was  determined  on  her  system,  that  her  power 
was  irresistible,  and  that  he,  and  those  with  him  who 
should  persist  in  their  designs  of  resistance,  would  be 
involved  in  ruin. 

John  Adams  replied,  "  I  know  Great  Britain  has  de 
termined  on  her  system,  and  that  very  determination 
determines  me  on  mine.  You  know  I  have  been  con 
stant  and  uniform  in  opposition  to  her  measures.  The 
die  is  now  cast.  I  have  passed  the  Rubicon.  Sink  or 
swim,  live  or  die,  survive  or  perish  with  my  COUP. try 
is  my  unalterable  determination." 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  27 

It  was  these  energetic  and  resolute  expressions 
which  Daniel  Webster  wrought  into  so  magnificent  an 
imaginary  speech,  in  his  glowing  Eulogy  on  John 
Adams  and  Thomas  Jefferson. 

John  Adams  continued  in  Congress  throughout  the 
sessions  of  1775  and  1776,  and  on  all  occasions  was 
an  intrepid  and  earnest  advocate  for  Independence. 
On  his  motion,  George  Washington  was  appointed 
Commander  in  Chief  of  the  Anny. 

John  Adams  was  the  mover  of  Independence  in  the 
Congress.  T^  the  6th  of  May,  1776,  he  brought  the 
subject  before  that  body,  by  a  resolution  expressed  as 
follows  : — 

"  Whereas  it  appears  perfectly  irreconcilable  to 
reason  and  good  conscience,  for  the  people  of  these 
Colonies  now  to  take  the  oaths  and  affirmations  neces 
sary  for  the  support  of  any  government  under  the 
crown  of  Great  Britain,  and  it  is  necessary  that  the 
exercise  of  every  kind  of  authority  under  the  said 
crown  should  be  totally  suppressed,  and  all  the  powers 
of  government  exerted  under  the  authority  of  the 
people  of  the  Colonies  for  the  preservation  of  internal 
peace,  virtue,  and  good  order,  as  well  as  for  the  de 
fence  of  their  lives,  liberties,  and  properties,  against 
the  hostile  invasion,  and  cruel  depredations  of  their 
enemies  : — Therefore,  it  is  recommended  to  the  Colo 
nies  to  adopt  such  a  government  as  will,  in  the  opinion 
of  the  representatives  of  the  people,  best  conduce  to 


28  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

the  happiness  and  safety  of  their  constituents,  and  of 
America." 

This  resolution  was  adopted,  and  was  followed  by 
the  appointment  of  a  committee,  on  the  motion  of 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  seconded  by  John  Adams,  to 
prepare  a  Declaration.  Jhis  committee  consisted  of 
Thomas  Jefferson,  John  Adams,  Benjamin  Franklin, 
Roger  Sherman,  and  Robert  R.  Livingston.  Jefferson 
and  Adams  were  a  sub-committee,  and  the  former  pre 
pared  the  Declaration,  at  the  urgent  request  of  the 
latter. 

Jefferson  bore  this  testimony  to  the  ability  and  power 
of  John  Adams. — "  The  great  pillar  of  support  to  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  its  ablest  advocate 
and  champion  on  the  floor  of  the  House,  was  Jphn 
Adams." 

On  the  day  after  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
was  adopted,  he  wrote  the  memorable  letter  in  which 
he  said  with  prophetic  unction, — "  Yesterday  the  great 
est  question  was  decided  that  ever  was  debated  in 
America  ;  and  greater,  perhaps,  never  was  or  will  be 
decided  among  men.  A  resolution  was  passed  with 
out  one  dissenting  Colony,  'That  the  United  States  are, 
and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent  States.' 
The  day  is  passed.  The  fourth  day  of  July,  1776,  will 
be  a  memorable  epoch  in  the  history  of  America.  I  am 
apt  to  believe  it  will  be  celebrated  by  succeeding  gen 
erations  as  a  great  anniversary  festival.  It  ought  to  be 
commemorated  as  the  day  of  deliverance,  by  solemn 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS.  29 

acts  of  devotion  to  Almighty  God.  It  ought  to  be  sol 
emnized  with  pomps,  shows,  games,  sports,  guns,  bells, 
bonfires,  and  illuminations,  from  one  end  of  the  conti 
nent  to  the  other,  from  this  time  forward,  forever. 
You  may  think  me  transported  with  enthusiasm,  but  I 
am  not.  I  am  well  aware  of  the  toil,  and  blood,  and 
treasure,  that  it  will  cost  to  maintain  this  Declaration, 
and  support  and  defend  these  States  :  yet  through  all 
the  gloom,  I  can  see  that  the  end  is  worth  all  the 
means ;  and  that  posterity  will  triumph,  although  you 
and  I  may  rue,  which  I  hope  we  shall  not." 

From  this  time,  until  November  1777,  John  Adams 
was  incessantly  employed  in  public  duties  in  Congress, 
during  the  session  of  that  body  ;  and  "Hurrng-Jts  recess, 
as  a  member  of  the  State  CoucunlJxL-M.assachusetts. 
During  this  period,  John  Quincy  was  instructed  at 
home,  byjjer  who,  in  long  after  years,  he  was  accus 
tomed  to  call  his  almost  adored  mpther,  who  was  aided 
by  a  law-student  in  the  office  of  his  father.  EDWARD 
EVERETT,  in  his  Eulogy  upon  John  Quincy  Adams, 
made  the  very  striking  and  just  remark,  that  there 
seemed  to  be  in  his  life  no  such  stage  as  that  of  boy 
hood.  While  yet  but  nine  years  old,  he  wrote  to  his 
father  the  following  letter  : 

Braintree,  June  2nd,  1777. 
DEAR  SIR, 

I  love  to  receive  letters  very  well ;  much  better  than  I  love  to 

write  them.     I  make  but  a  poor  figure  at  composition.     My  head  is 

much  too  fickle.     My  thoughts  are  running  after  bird's  eggs,  play 

and  trif.es,  till  I  get  vexed  with  myself.    Mamma  has  a  troublesome 

B 


30  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

task  to  keep  me  a  studying.  I  own  I  am  ashamed  of  myself.  I 
have  but  just  entered  the  third  volume  of  Rollin's  History,  but  de 
signed  to  have  got  half  through  it  by  this  time.  I  am  determined 
this  week  to  be  more  diligent.  Mr.  Thaxter  is  absent  at  Court.  I 
have  set  myself  a  stint  this  week,  to  read  the  third  volume  half  out. 
If  I  can  but  keep  my  resolution,  I  may  again  at  the  end  of  the  week 
give  a  better  account  of  myself.  I  wish,  sir,  you  would  give  me  in 
writing,  some  instructions  with  regard  to  the  use  of  my  time,  and 
advise  me  how  to  proportion  my  studies  and  play,  and  I  will  keep 
them  by  me,  and  endeavor  to  follow  them. 

With  the  present  determination  of  growing  better,  I  am,  dear  sir, 
your  son,  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

P.  S.  Sir — If  you  will  be  so  good  as  to  favr.r  me  with  a  blank 
book,  I  will  transcribe  the  most  remarkable  passages  I  meet  with 
in  my  reading,  which  will  serve  to  fix  them  upon  my  mind. 

After  making  all  just  allowance  for  precocity  of 
genius,  we  cannot  but  see  that  the  early  maturity  of 
the  younger  Adams  proves  the  great  advantage  of  pure 
and  intellectual  associations  in  childhood.  ^ 

The  time  soon  arrived  when  John  Quincy  Adams 
was  to  enjoy  advantages  of  education  such  as  were 
never  afforded  to  any  other  American  youth.  Among 
the  earliest  acts  of  the  American  Congress,  was  the 
appointment  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  Silas  Dean,  and 
Arthur  Lee,  as  Commissioners  to  France  ;  they  were 
charged  to  solicit  aid  from  France,  and  to  negotiate  a 
treaty,  by  which  the  Independence  of  the  United 
States  should  be  acknowledged  by  Louis  Sixteenth, 
then  at  the  height  of  his  popularity.  Silas  Dean  was 
recalled  in  177G,  and  John__JAdams  was  appointed  to 
fill  his  place.  He  embarked  on  this  mission  the  13th 
of  February,  1778,  in  the  frigate  Boston,  commanded 


LIFE    OP    JOHN    UUINCY    ADAMS.  31 

by  Captain  Tucker.     John  Adams  had  gone  down  to 
Quincy,  and  the  frigate  called  there  to  receive  him  on 
board.     On  the  eve  of  embarkation  he  wrote  the  fol 
lowing  simple  and  touching  letter  to  Mrs.  Adams  : 

"  Uncle  Qmnafs,— half  after  11  o'clock,  13  February,  1778. 

"  DEAREST  OF  FRIENDS, 

"  I  had  not  been  twenty  minutes  in  this  house,  before  I  had  the 
happiness  to  see  Captain  Tucker  and  a  midshipman  coming  for  me. 
We  will  be  soon  on  board,  and  may  God  prosper  our  voyage  in 
every  stage  of  it  as  much  as  at  the  beginning,  and  send  to  you,  my 
dear  children,  and  all  my  friends,  the  choicest  blessings! 

"  So  wishes  and  prays  yours,  with  an  ardor  that  neither  absence, 
nor  any  other  event  can  abate, 

"  JOHN  ADAMS. 

"  P.  S.  Johnny  sends  his  duty  to  his  mamma,  and  his  love  to  his 
casters  and  brothers.  He  behaves  like  a  man." 

"  He  behaves  like  a  man  !" — Words  which  gave 
presage  of  the  future  character  of  John  Quincy  Ad 
ams.  His  education  had  now  commenced  :  an  educa 
tion  in  the  principles  of  heroic  action,  by  John  Adams, 
the  colossus  of  the  American  Tie  volution.  How  de 
voted  he  was  to  this  important  charge,  and  with  what 
true  philosophy  he  conducted  it,  may  be  seen  by  the 
following  letter  written  about  that  time  by  him,  to 
Mrs.  Adams  : 

"  Human  nature,  with  all  its  infirmities  and  depravation,  is  still  ca 
pable  of  great  things.  It  is  capable  of  attaining  to  degrees  of  wis 
dom  and  of  goodness  which  we  have  reason  to  believe  appear  re 
spectable  in  the  estimation  of  superior  intelligences.  Education 
makes  a  greater  difference  between  man  and  man,  than  nature  has 
made  between  man  and  brute.  The  virtues  and  powers  to  which 


32  LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS. 

men  may  be  trained,  by  early  education  and  constant  discipline,  are 
truly  sublime  and  astonishing. 

"  Newton  and  Locke  are  examples  of  the  deep  sagacity  which  may 
be  acquired  by  long  habits  of  thinking  and  study.  Nay,  your  com 
mon  mechanics  and  artisans  are  proofs  of  the  wonderful  dexterity 
acquired  by  use  ;  a  watchmaker,  finishing  his  wheels  and  springs, 
a  pin  or  needle-maker,  &c.  I  think  there  is  a  particular  occupation 
in  Europe,  which  is  called  paper  staining,  or  linen  staining.  A 
man  who  has  long  been  habituated  to  it,  shall  sit  for  a  whole  day, 
and  draw  upon  paper  various  figures,  to  be  imprinted  upon  the  pa 
per  for  rooms,  as  fast  as  his  eye  can  roll  and  his  fingers  move,  and 
no  two  of  his  draughts  shall  be  alike.  The  Saracens,  the  Knights 
of  Malta,  the  army  and  navy  in  the  service  of  the  English  Repub 
lic,  among  many  others,  are  instances  to  show  to  what  an  exalted 
height,  valor  or  bravery  or  courage  may  be  raised,  by  artificial 
means. 

"  It  should  be  your  care  therefore,  and  mine,  to  elevate  the  minds 
of  our  children,  and  exalt  their  courage,  to  accelerate  and  animate 
their  industry  and  activity,  to  excite  in  them  an  habitual  contempt 
of  meanness,  abhorrence  of  injustice  and  inhumanity,  and  an  am 
bition  to  excel  in  every  capacity,  faculty,  and  virtue.  If  we  suffer 
their  minds  to  grovel  and  creep  in  infancy,  they  will  grovel  and 
creep  all  their  lives. 

•'  But  their  bodies  must  be  hardened,  as  well  as  their  souls  ex 
alted.  Without  strength,  and  activity  and  vigor  of  body,  the  bright 
est  mental  excellencies  will  be  eclipsed  and  obscured. 

"  JOHN  ADAMS." 


No  one  can  read  this  extraordinary  letter,  and  com 
pare  it  with  the  actual  character  of  John  Quincy 
Adams  as  ultimately  developed,  without  regarding  that 
character  as  a  fulfilment,  in  all  respects,  of  the  prayers 
and  purposes  of  his  illustrious  parent. 

The  voyage  of  the  American  Minister  was  made  in 
a  time  of  great  peril.  The  naval  supremacy  of  Great 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  33 

Britain  was  already  established.  Her  armed  ships 
traversed  the  ocean  in  all  directions.  Captain  Tucker 
saw  a  large  English  ship  showing  a  row  of  guns,  and 
with  the  consent  of  the  Minister,  engaged  her.  When 
hailed,  she  answered  with  a  broadside.  John  Adams 
had  been  requested  to  retire  to  the  cockpit,  but  when 
the  engagement  had  begun,  he  was  found  among  the 
marines,  with  a  musket  in  his  hands. 

The  desired  treaty  with  France  had  been  consum 
mated  by  Dr.  Franklin,  before  the  arrival  of  John 
Adams.  After  that  event,  Congress  decided  to  have 
but  one  minister  in  that  country,  and  Dr.  Franklin 
having  deservedly  received  the  appointment,  John 
Adams  asked  and  obtained  leave  to  return  home,  after 
an  absence  of  a  year  and  a  half.  During  that  period 
the  younger  Adams  attended  a  public  school  in  Paris, 
while  his  leisure  hours  were  filled  with  the  instructions 
casually  derived  from  the  conversation  of  John  Adams, 
and  Dr.  Franklin,  and  other  eminent  intellectual  per, 
sons,  by  whom  his  father  was  surrounded.  The  im 
provement  of  the  son  during  his  sojourn  abroad  is  thus 
mentioned  by  John  Adams,  just  before  his  embark 
ation  on  his  return  to  America. 

"  My  son  has  had  a  great  opportunity  to  see  this 
country,  but  this  has  unavoidably  retarded  his  educa 
tion  in  some  other  things.  He  has  enjoyed  perfect 
health  from  first  to  last,  and  is  respected  wherever  he 
goes,  for  his  vigor  and  vivacity  both  of  mind  and 
body ;  for  his  constant  good-humor,  and  for  his  rapid 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    ClUINCY    ADAMS. 

ii  French,  as  well  as  i.n  general  knowledge, 
which,  for  h;s  age,  is  uncommon." 

John  Aciams  now  regarded  his  public  life  as  closed. 
He  wrote  to  Mrs.  Adams  : 

"  The  Congress,  I  presume,  expect  that  I  should 
come  home,  and  I  shall  come  accordingly.  As  they 
have  no  business  fwr  me  in  Europe,  I  must  contrive  to 
get  some  for  myself  at  home.  Prepare  yourself  for 
removing  to  Boston,  inio  the  old  house,  for  there  you 
shall  go,  and  I  will  draw  writs  and  deeds,  and  harangue 
juries,  and  be  happy."  ~\ 

This  calculation  was  signally  erroneous,  as  all  cal 
culations  upon  personal;  ease  and  peace  by  great  and 
good  men  always  are.  He  remained  at  home  only 
three  months,  and  during  that  time  he  had  other  and 
higher  occupations  than  drawing  writs  and  deeds. 
He  was  elected  Delegate  to  the  Convention  charged 
with  the  responsible  and  novel  duty  of  forming  a  writ 
ten  constitution  for  Massachusetts.  In  that  body  he 
labored  with  untiring  assiduity,  as  in  Congress ;  the 
constitution  thus  produced  was  in  a  great  measure 
prepared  by  himself,  and  it  is  due  to  his  memory  to 
record  the  fact,  that  it  was  among  the  most  demo 
cratic  of  all  the  constitutions  which  were  adopted  by 
the  new  States.  The  younger  Adams  having  returned 
to  America  with  his  father,  had  thus  the  advantage  of 
seeing  republican  theories  brought  into  successful, 
practical  application. 

About  this   time   Congress  resolved   on  sending  a 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QU1NCY    ADAMS.  35 

Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  Great  Britain,  to  negotiate, 
if  possible,  a  treaty  of  peace.  John  Adams  and  John 
Jay  received  each  an  equal  number  of  votes.  The 
result  was  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Jay  as  Minister  to 
Spain,  and  of  Johii^A^ams_a^J\Iinister  to  the  Court  of 
St.  Jame^_  He  was  instructed  to  insist  on  the  inde 
pendence  of  the  United  States. 

The  younger  Adams  again  attended  the  Diploma^st. 
They  embarked  in  the  French  frigate  La  Sensible,  on 
the  17th  of  November,  1779. 

The  frigate  sprang  a  leak,  and  was  obliged  to  put 
into  the  port  nearest  at  hand,  which  proved  to  be  Fer- 
rol  in  Spain.  They  disembarked  on  the  llth  of  De 
cember,  and  traversed  the  intervening  distance  to  Paris 
over  land,  a  journey  of  a  thousand  miles.  This  jour 
ney  was  performed  through  the  mountains  on  mules. 
Spain,  as  well  as  France,  was  then  in  alliance  with 
America,  and  the  Minister  was  everywhere  received 
with  respect  and  kindness.  The  French  officers  at 
Ferrol  wore  cockades  in  honor  of  the  Triple  Alliance, 
combining  a  white  ribbon  for  the  French,  a  red  one 
for  the  Spanish,  and  a  black  one  for  the  Americans. 

The  United  Powers  proposed  demands  which  were 
ominous  of  disappointment  to  the  Minister. — On  the 
12th  of  December  he  wrote : — "  It  is  said  that  England 
is  as  reluctant  to  acknowledge  the  independence  of 
America,  as  to  cede  Gibraltar,  the  last  of  which  is  in 
sisted  upon,  as  well  as  the  first." 

The   travellers  reached  Paris  about  the  middle  of 


36  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

February,  1780.  John  Adams  mentioned  a  singular 
coincidence  in  his  letter  announcing  their  arrival.  "  I 
have  the  honor  to  be  lodged  here  with  no  less  a  per 
sonage  than  the  Prince  of  Hesse-Cassel,  who  is  here 
upon  a  visit.  We  occupy  different  apartments  in  the 
same  house,  and  have  no  intercourse  with  each  other, 
to  be  sure ;  but  some  wags  are  of  opinion,  that  if  I 
were  authorised  to  open  a  negotiation  with  him,  I 
might  obtain  from  him  as  many  troops  to  fight  on  our 
side  of  the  question,  as  he  has  already  hired  to  the 
English  against  us !" 

The  American  Revolution  has  wrought  wonderful 
changes  since  that  day.  No  German  Prince  could  now 
send  a  man,  or  a  musket,  to  war  against  its  principles. 

John  Adams  soon  discovered  that  there  was  no  pros 
pect  of  success  for  his  mission  to  England-  He  re 
mained  at  Paris  until  August,  1780,  and  during  the  in 
terval  his  son  was  kept  at  an  academy  injJiat  city. 

At  the  expiration  of  that  period  the  Minister  repaired 
to  Holland,  and  there  received  instructions  to  nego 
tiate  a  loan,  and  then  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce 
with  the  states  of  that  country.  The  younger  Adams 
while  in  Holland  was  placed  at  school,_first  at  Amster 
dam,  and  afterwards  in  the  University  of  Leyden. 

A  letter  of  the  father,  dated  at  Amsterdam,  18th  De 
cember,  1780,  gives  us  a  glimpse  of  the  system  of  in 
struction  approved  by  him,  and  a  pleasant  view  of  the 
principles  which  he  deemed  it  important  to  be  incul 
cated. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  37 

"I  have  this  morning  sent  Mr.  Thaxter  with  my  two 
sons  to  Leyden,  there  to  take  up  their  residence  for 
some  time,  and  there  to  pursue  their  studies  of  Latin 
and  Greek  under  -the  excellent  masters,  and  there  to 
attend  lectures  of  the  celebrated  professors  in  that  Uni 
versity.  It  is  much  cheaper  there  than  here.  The 
air  is  infinitely  purer,  and  the  company  and  conversa 
tion  are  better.  It  is  perhaps  as  learned  a  University 
as  any  in  Europe. 

"  I  should  not  wish  to  have  children  educated  in  the 
common  schools  of  this  country,  where  a  littleness  of 
soul  is  notorious.  The  masters  are  mean  spirited 
wretches,  pinching,  kicking,  and  boxing  the  children 
upon  every  turn.  There  is,  besides,  a  general  littleness, 
arising  from  the  incessant  contemplation  of  stivers  and 
doits,  which  pervades  the  whole  people. 

"  Frugality  and  industry  are  virtues  everywhere,  but 
avarice  and  stinginess  are  not  frugality.  The  Dutch 
say,  that  without  a  habit  of  thinking  of  every  doit  be 
fore  you  spend  it,  no  man  can  be  a  good  merchant,  or 
conduct  trade  with  success. 

"  This,  I  believe,  is  a  just  maxim  in  general ;  but  I 
wrould  never  wish  to  see  a  son  of  mine  govern  himself 
by  it.  It  is  the  sure  and  certain  way  for  an  industrious 
man  to  be  rich.  It  is  the  only  possible  way  for  a  mer 
chant  to  become  the  first  merchant,  or  the  richest  man 
in  the  place.  But  this  is  an  object  that  I  hope  none  of 
my  children  will  ever  aim  at.  It  is  indeed  true  every- 

B*  * 


38  LIFE    OF    JOHN  QUINCY    ADAMS. 

where,  that  those  who  attend  to  small  expenses  are  al 
ways  rich. 

"  I  would  have  my  children  attend  to  doits  and  far 
things  as  devoutly  as  the  merest  Dutchman  upon  earth, 
if  such  attention  was  necessary  to  support  their  inde 
pendence.  A  man  who  discovers  a  disposition  and  a 
design  to  be  independent,  seldom  succeeds.  A  jeal 
ousy  arises  against  him.  The  tyrants  are  alarmed  on 
the  one  side,  lest  he  should  oppose  them :  the  slaves 
are  alarmed  on  the  other,  lest  he  should  expose  their 
servility.  The  cry  from  all  quarters  is,  '  He  is  the 
proudest  man  in  the  world :  he  cannot  bear  to  be  under 
obligation.' 

"  I  never  in  my  life  observed  any  one  endeavoring 
to  lay  me  under  particular  obligation  to  him,  but  I  sus 
pected  he  had  a  design  to  make  me  his  dependent,  and 
to  have  claims  upon  my  gratitude.  This  I  should 
nave  no  objection  to,  because  gratitude  is  always  in 
one's  power.  But  the  danger  is,  that  men  will  expect 
and  require  more  of  us  than  honor,  and  innocence, 
and  rectitude  will  permit  us  to  perform. 

"  In  our  country,  however,  any  man,  with  common 
industry  and  prudence,  may  be  independent." 

One  cannot  turn  over  a  page  of  the  domestic  history 
of  John  Adams,  without  finding  a  precept  or  example, 
the  influence  of  which  is  manifested  in  the  character 
of  his  illustrious  son.  Thus  he  writes  to  Mrs.  Adams, 
touching  certain  calumnies  which  had  been  propagated 
against  him : — 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  39 

"Don't  distress  yourself  about  any  malicious  at 
tempts  to  injure  me  in  the  estimation  of  my  country 
men.  Let  them  take  their  course,  and  go  the  length 
of  their  tether.  They  will  never  hurt  your  husband, 
whose  character  is  fortified  with  a  shield  of  innocence 
and  honor,  ten  thousand-fold  stronger  than  brass  or 
iron.  The  contemptible  essays,  made  by  you  know 
whom,  will  only  tend  to  their  own  confusion.  My  let 
ters  have  shown  them  their  own  ignorance,  a  sight 
they  could  not  bear.  Say  as  little  about  it  as  I  do. 
I  laugh,  and  will  laugh  before  all  posterity,  at  their 
impotent  rage  and  envy." 

In  July,  1781,  Francis  Dana,  who  had  attended  John 
Adams  as  Secretary  of  Legation,  was  appointed  Min 
ister  to  Russia.  JohrT~Q,uincy  Adams,  then  fourteen 
years  old,  was  appointed  Private  Secretary__of_tlxls 
mission.  He  remained  at  that  post  fourteen  months, 
performing  its  duties  with  entire  satisfaction  to  the 
minister.  The  singular  ripeness  of  the  youthful  secre 
tary  was  shown  in  his  travelling  alone,  on  his  return 
from  St.  Petersburgh,  by  a  journey  leisurely  made, 
and  filled  with  observations  of  Sweden,  Denmark, 
Hamburgh,  and  Bremen.  On  arriving  in  Holland,  he 
resumed  his  studies  at  the  Hague. 

John  Adams,  having  completed  his  mission  in  Hol 
land,  was  charged,  with  Dr.  Franklin,  John  Jay,  and 
Thomas  Jefferson,  with  the  duty  of  negotiating  a 
definitive  treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Britain.  The 
treaty  was  executed  at  Paris  on  the  3d  of  Septem- 


40  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAM3. 

ber,  1783,  and  was  ratified  January  14th,  1784.  The 
younger  Adams  enjoyed  the  satisfaction  of  being  pres- 
ent  at  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty ;  and  while  it  was 
under  process  of  negotiation,  he  was  constantly  fa 
vored  with  opportunities  of  listening  to  the  instructive 
conversation  of  Franklin  and  Jefferson.  V 

The  negotiation  of  the  treaty  was  dilatory  in  the 
extreme.  It  was  embarrassed  with  French  intrigues, 
great  carelessness  at  home,  and  greater  reluctance  on 
the. part  of  England.  The  wearied  Minister  wrote  to 
Mrs.  Adams  on  the  30th  of  May,  1783:  "Our  son  is 
at  the  Hague,  pursuing  his  studies  with  great  ardor. 
They  give  him  a  good  character  wherever  he  has 
been,  and  I  hope  he  will  make  a  good  man."  On  the 
9th  of  June  he  wrote  in  these  homely,  but  manly 
words:  "I  am  weary,  worn,  and  .disgusted  to  death. 
1  had  rather  chop  wood,  dig  ditches,  and  make  fence 
upon  my  poor  little  farm.  Alas,  poor  farm  !  and  poorer 
family !  what  have  you  lost  that  your  country  might 
be  free  !  and  that  others  might  catch  fish  and  hunt 
deer  and  bears  at  their  ease ! 

"  There  will  be  as  few  of  the  tears  of  gratitude,  or  the 
smiles  of  admiration,  or  the  sighs  of  pity  for  us,  as  for 
the  army.  But  all  this  should  not  hinder  me  from  go 
ing  over  the  same  scenes  again,  upon  the  same  occa 
sions — scenes  which  I  would  not  encounter  for  all  the 
wealth,  pomp,  and  power  of  the  world.  Boys!  if  you 
ever  say  one  word,  or  utter  one  complaint,  I  will  disin 
herit  you.  Work !  you  rogues,  and  be  free.  You 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCE    ADAMS.  41 

will  never  have  so  hard  work  to  do  as  papa  has  had 
Daughter  !  get  you  an  honest  man  for  a  husband,  ana 
keep  him  honest.  No  matter  whether  he  is  rich,  pro 
vided  he  be  independent.  Regard  the  honor  and  the 
moral  character  of  the  man,  more  than  all  circum 
stances.  Think  of  no  other  greatness  but  that  of  the 
soul,  no  other  riches  but  those  of  the  heart." 

After  concluding  the  treaty  of  peace,  John  Adams, 
together  with  Franklin  and  Jay,  was  charged  with  the 
duty  of  negotiating  a  treaty  of  commerce  with  Great 
Britain,  and  John  Adams,  taking  his  son  John  Quincy 
with  him,  proceeded  to  London^  and  took  up  his  resi 
dence  at  the  British  Court,  Mrs.  Adams  embarked  in 
June,  1784,  to  join  her  husband. 

John  Adams  was  appointed  Minister  Plenipotentiary 
to  the  sama  Court  in  1785,  and  thus  he,  who  ten  years 
before,  when  a  subject,  in  the  province  of  Massachu 
setts,  had  said,  "  /  know  that  Great  Britain  has  deter 
mined  upon  her  system,  and  that  very  determination 
determines  me  on  mine," — was  the  first  Representative 
of  his  independent  country  admitted^  to  an  audience 
by  the  discomfited  majesty  of  the  Imperial  States. 
The  occasion  was  adapted  to  excite  profound  emotions, 
though  of  different  kinds,  in  each  party.  John  Adams 
addressed  the  King  thus  : — 

"The  United  States  of  America. have  appointed  me 
their  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  your  Majesty,  and 
have  directed  me  to  deliver  to  your  Majesty  this  letter, 
which  contains  the  evidence  of  it.  It  is  in  obedience 


42  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

to  their  express  commands,  that  I  have  the  honor  to 
assure  your  Majesty  of  their  unanimous  disposition 
and  desire  to  cultivate  the  most  liberal  and  friendly  in 
tercourse  between  your  Majesty's  subjects  and  their 
citizens  ;  and  of  their  best  wishes  for  your  Majesty's 
health  and  happiness,  and  for  that  of  your  royal  family. 

"  The  appointment  of  a  Minister  from  the  United 
States  to  your  Majesty's  Court,  will  form  an  epoch  in 
the  history  of  England,  and  of  America.  I  think  my 
self  more  fortunate  than  all  my  fellow  citizens,  in  hav 
ing  the  distinguished  honor  to  be  the  first  to  stand  in 
your  Majesty's  royal  presence,  in  a  diplomatic  charac 
ter  ;  and  I  shall  esteem  myself  the  happiest  of  men,  if 
I  can  be  instrumental  in  recommending  my  country 
more  and  more,  to  your  Majesty's  royal  benevolence, 
and  of  restoring  an  entire  esteem,  confidence  and  af 
fection,  or  in  better  words,  '  the  old  good  nature,  and 
the  old  good  harmony,'  between  people,  who.  though 
separated  by  an  ocean,  and  under  different  govern 
ments,  have  the  same  language,  a  similar  religion,  and 
kindred  blood.  I  beg  your  Majesty's  permission  to 
add.  that  although  I  have  sometimes  before  been  in 
trusted  by  my  country,  it  was  never,  in  my  whole  life, 
in  a  manner  so  agreeable  to  myself." 

George  III.  replied  with  dignity,  but  not  without  some 
manifestations  of  excitement : — 

"  The  circumstances  of  this  audience  are  so  extraor 
dinary,  the  language  you  have  now  held  is  so  extremely 
proper,  and  the  feelings  you  have  discovered  so  justly 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  43 

adapted  to  the  occasion,  that  I  must  say  that  I  not  only 
receive  with  pleasure  the  assurances  of  the  friendly 
disposition  of  the  People  of  the  United  States,  but  I 
am  very  glad  the  choice  has  fallen  upon  you  to  be  their 
Minister.  I  wish  you,  sir,  to  believe,  and  that  it  may 
be  understood  in  America,  that  I  have  done  nothing  in 
the  late  contest,  but  what  I  thought  myself  indispensa 
bly  bound  to  do,  by  the  duty  which  I  owed  my  people. 
I  will  be  frank  with  you — I  was  the  last  to  conform  to 
the  separation,  but  the  separation  having  been  made, 
and  having  become  inevitable,  I  hare  always  said,  as  I 
say  now,  that  I  would  be  the  first  to  meet  the  friend 
ship  of  the  United  States,  as  an  independent  power. 

"  The  moment  I  see  such  sentiments  and  language  as 
yours  prevail,  and  a  disposition  to  give  this  country 
the  preference,  that  moment  I  shall  say,  let  the  cir 
cumstances  of  language,  religion  and  blood  have  their 
natural  and  full  effect." 

The  kindly  feelings  expressed  by  the  King,  were 
however,  comparatively,  only  the  language  of  cere 
mony,  for  the  British  Ministry,  and  the  British  people 
did  not  regard  the  new  republic  with  favor.  But  the) 
could  not  withhold  the  exhibition  of  reluctant  respect 

It  was  at  such  a  time  as  this,  and  in  such  circum 
stances,  that  John  Quincy  Adams  surveyed,  from  a 
new  position,  the  colossal  structure  of  British  power, 
and  the  workings  of  its  combined  systems  of  conserva 
tive  aristocracy,  and  progressive  democracy.  It  was 
here  that  he  imbibed  new  veneration  for  Russell,  Sid- 


44  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

ney,  Hampden,  and  Milton,  its  republican  patriots  ; 
for  Shakspeare,  Dryden,  and  Pope,  its  immortal  poets  ; 
and  for  Addison  and  Johnson,  its  moralists  ;  here  he; 
learned  from  Wilberforce  the  principles  of  politica 
philanthropy,  as  well  as  the  patience  and  persever 
ance  to  defend  them,  and  studied  eloquence  by  the  liv 
ing  models  of  Pitt,  Fox,  Erskine,  Burke,  and  Sheridan. 

This,  indeed,  was  a  fitting  conclusion  to  a  precocious 
education  by  the  patriots  and  philosophers  of  his  own 
country,  with  practical  observations  in  the  courts  oi 
Spain  and  the  Netherlands,  of  the  weak  but  amiable 
Louis  XVI.,  and  the  accomplished,  but  depraved, 
Catharine  II. 

John  Quincy  Adams  now  became  fearful  that  the 
duties  of  manhood  would  devolve  upon  him  without 
his  having  completed  the  necessary  academic  studies, 
He  therefore  obtained  leave  to  return  home  in  1785, 
at  the  age  of  eighteen  years,  and  entered  Cambridge 
University,  at  an  advanced  standing,  in  1786.  He 
graduated  in  1788  with  deserved  honors. 


CHAPTER  II. 

JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS    STUDIES    LAW HIS    PRACTICE ENGAGES 

IN  PUBLIC  LIFE APPOINTED  MINISTER  TO  THE  HAGUE. 

AFTER  leaving  the  University,  young  Adams  en 
tered  the  office  of  Theophilus  Parsons,  who  was  then 
in  the  practice  of  law  at  Newburyport,  and  who  after 
wards  for  so  many  years  filled  with  dignity  and  ability 
the  office  of  Chief  Justice  of  Massachusetts. 

Adams  completed  the  usual  term  of  professional 
study,  and  then  commenced  the  practice  of  the  law  in 
Boston.  It  may  encourage  some  who  are  oppressed 
by  the  difficulties  attending  initiation  in  the  profession, 
to  know,  that  during  the  first  and  only  four  years  of 
John  Quincy  Adams'  practice,  he  had  occasion  for 
despondency. 

'*  I  had  long  and  lingering  anxieties,  (he  afterwards 
said,)  in  looking  forward,  doubtful  even  of  my  pros 
pects  of  comfortable  subsistence,  but  acquiring  more 
and  more  the  means  of  it,  till  in  the  last  of  the  four 
years,  the  business  of  my  profession  yielded  me  an  in 
come  more  than  equal  to  my  expenditures." 

But  the  country  and  the  age  had  claims  on  John 
Quincy  Adams,  as  well  as  on  his  father,  for  higher 


46  LIFE    OF    JOHN    ClUINCY    ADAMS. 

duties  'than  "  making  writs,"  and  "  haranguing  juries," 
and  "  being  happy." 

The  American  Revolution,  which  had  been  brought 
to  a  successful  close,  had  inspired,  throughout  Europe, 
a  desire  to  renovate  the  institutions  of  government. 
The  officers  and  citizens  of  France  who  had  mingled 
in  the  contest,  had  carried  home  the  seeds  of  freedom, 
and  had  scattered  them  abroad  upon  soil  quick  to  re 
ceive  them.  The  flame  of  Liberty,  kindled  on  the 
shores  of  the  Western  Continent,  was  reflected  back 
upon  the  Old  World.  France  beheld  its  beams,  and 
hailed  them  as  a  beacon-light,  which  should  lead  the 
nations  out  from  the  bondage  of  ages.  Inspirited  by 
the  success  attending  the  struggle  in  the  British  colo 
nies,  the  French  people,  long  crushed  beneath  a  grind 
ing  despotism,  resolved  to  burst  their  shackles  and 
strike  for  Freedom.  It  was  a  noble  resolution,  but 
consummated,  alas !  amid  devastation  and  the  wildest 
anarchy.  The  French  Revolution  filled  the  world 
with  horror.  It  was  the  work  of  a  blind  giant,  urged 
to  fury  by  the  remembrance  of  wrongs  endured  for 
generations.  The  Altar  of  Liberty  was  reared  amid 
seas  of  blood,  and  stained  with  the  gore  of  innocent 
victims. 

The  measurable  failure  of  this  struggle  in  France, 
teaches  the  necessity  of  due  preparation  before  a 
people  can  advance  to  the  permanent  possession  and 
enjoyment  of  their  rights.  The  American  colonists 
nad  been  trained  to  rational  conceptions  of  freedom,  by 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS.  47 

lessons  of  wisdom  and  sagacity  read  them  by  their 
Puritan  fathers,  and  by  the  experience  in  self-govern 
ment,  afforded  during  a  century  and  a  half  of  enjoy 
ment  of  a  large  share  of  political  privileges,  granted  by 
the  mother  country.  They  were  thus  prepared  to  lay 
deep  and  strong  the  foundations  of  an  enlightened  gov 
ernment,  which,  equally  removed  from  the  extremes  of 
despotism  on  the  one  hand,  and  anarchy  on  the  other, 
and  granting  its  subjects  the  exercise  of  their  right 
to  "  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,"  shall 
endure  through  ages  to  come.  But  the  people  of 
France,  shut  up  in  darkness  during  centuries  of  mis 
rule,  passed  at  a  step  from  abject  servitude  to  unlim 
ited  freedom.  They  were  unprepared  for  this  violent 
transition.  Their  conceptions  of  liberty  were  of  the 
most  extravagant  description.  What  \vonder  that 
they  became  dizzy  at  their  sudden  elevation !  What 
wonder  that  blood  flowed  in  rivers  ! — that  dissension 
and  faction  rent  them  asunder — that  a  fearful  anarchy 
soon  reigned  triumphant — or  that  the  confused  and 
troubled  drama  closed  in  the  iron  rule  of  a  military 
conqueror — the  Man  of  Destiny !  Let  not  this  lesson 
be  lost  upon  the  world.  Let  a  people  who  would 
enjoy  freedom,  learn  to  merit  the  boon  by  the  study  of 
its  principles,  and  a  preparation  to  exercise  its  privi 
leges,  under  those  salutary  restraints  which  man  can 
never  throw  off  and  be  happy! 

The  odium  excited  throughout  Europe  by  the  ex 
cesses  of  the  French  Revolution,  was  heaped  without 


48  LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS. 

measure  upon  the  American  people.  They  were 
charged  with  the  origin  of  the  misrule  which  con 
vulsed  France,  and  filled  the  eastern  hemisphere  with 
alarm  :  and  were  tauntingly  pointed  to  the  crude  the 
ories  promulgated  by  French  democracy,  and  the  fail 
ure  of  their  phrenzied  efforts  to  establish  an  enlightened 
and  permanent  Republic,  as  conclusive  evidence  that 
self-government,  among  any  people,  was  a  mere  Uto 
pian  dream,  which  could  never  be  realized. 

The  establishment  of  a  republican  government  in 
America,  had  not  been  relished  by  the  monarchies  of 
Europe.  They  looked  upon  it  with  distrust,  as  a  pre 
cedent  dangerous  to  them  in  the  highest  degree.  The 
succor  which  Louis  XVI.  had  rendered  the  revolting 
colonists,  was  not  from  a  love  of  democratic  institu 
tions  :  it  was  his  hope  to  cripple  Great  Britain,  his 
ancient  enemy,  and  to  find  some  opportunity,  perhaps, 
to  win  back  his  Canadian  provinces,  which  had  so  re 
cently  been  rent  from  his  possession.  When  the 
pent-up  flames  of  revolution  burst  forth  at  the  very 
doors  of  the  governments  of  the  old  world — when 
the  French  throne  had  been  robbed  of  its  king,  and 
that  king  of  his  life — when  a  Republic  had  been  pro 
claimed  in  their  midst,  and  signal-notes  of  freedom 
were  ringing  in  their  borders  — they  became  seriously 
alarmed.  The  growing  evil  must  be  checked  imme 
diately.  Led  on  by  England,  the  continental  powers 
combined  to  exterminate  at  a  blow,  if  possible,  every 
vestige  of  Republicanism  in  France.  Then  commenced 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    UUINCY    ADAMS.  49 

the  long  series  of  bloody  wars,  which,  with  little  in 
termission,  convulsed  Europe  for  nearly  a  quarter  of  a 
century,  and  ceased  only  when  the  rock  of  St.  Helena 
received  its  lonely  exile. 

In  the  meantime  affairs  at  home  had  attained  to  a 
critical  juncture.  The  Constitution  had  been  adopted. 
The  new  government  had  been  set  in  operation  under 
fe  supervision  of  Washington,  as  the  first  President 
of  the  Republic.  The  people,  influenced  by  certain 
"  elective  affinities,"  had  become  sundered  into  two 
great  political  parties — Conservative  and  Progressive, 
or  Federal  and  Democratic.  Both  were  distrustful  of 
the  Constitution.  The  former  believed  it  too  weak  to 
consolidate  a  government  capable  of  protecting  its 
subjects  in  the  peaceful  enjoyment  of  their  rights,  from 
discord  within,  and  attacks  from  without.  The  latter 
apprehended  that  it  might  easily  be  transformed,  by  some 
ambitious  Napoleon,  into  an  instrument  of  oppression 
more  fearful  even  than  the  limited  monarchy  from 
which  they  had  but  recently  escaped,  at  an  expense  of 
so  much  blood  and  treasure.  Each  of  these  parties  are 
entitled  to  the  credit  of  equal  sincerity  and  honesty  of 
purpose. 

Washington,  with  a  loftiness  of  purpose  truly  char 
acteristic  of  a  great  and  good  mind,  refused  to  identify 
himself  \vith  either  party.  In  forming  his  first  cabinet, 
moved  with  a  desire  to  heal  the  dissensions  which  dis 
tracted  the  country,  he  selected  its  members  equally 
from  the  adverse  factions.  Hamilton  and  Knox  rep- 


50  LIFE    OF    JOHN    ClUINCY    ADAMS. 

resented  the  Federal  party,  and  Jefferson  and  Randolph 
the  opposite.  During  his  entire  administration,  "  the 
Father  of  his  country"  steadily  aimed  to  keep  himself 
clear  from  all  party  entanglements.  He  was  emphati 
cally  the  President  of  the  whole  people,  and  not  of  a 
faction.  His  magnanimous  spirit  would  not  stoop  to 
party  favoritism,  nor  allow  him  to  exercise  the  power 
entrusted  him,  to  promote  the  interests  of  any  political 
clique.  In  all  his  measures  his  great  object  was  to 
advance  the  welfare  of  the  nation,  without  regard  to 
their  influence  on  conflicting  parties.  In  these  things 
he  left  behind  him  a  pure  and  noble  example,  richli 
worthy  the  imitation  of  his  successors  in  that  high 
station. 

The  Revolution  in  France,  and  the  measures  adopted 
by  the  Allied  Sovereigns  to  arrest  its  progress,  excited 
the  liveliest  interest  among  the  people  of  the  United 
States.  But  their  sympathies  ran  in  different  channels, 
and  very  naturally  took  the  hue  of  their  party  predi 
lections.  The  Democrats,  believing  the  French  Revo 
lution  to  be  the  up-springing  of  the  same  principles 
which  had  triumphed  here — a  lawful  attempt  of  an 
oppressed  people  to  secure  the  exercise  of  inalienable 
rights — although  shuddering  at  the  excesses  which  had 
been  perpetrated,  still  felt  it  to  be  our  own  cause,  and 
insisted  that  we  were  in  honor  and  duty  bound  to 
render  all  the  assistance  in  our  power,  even  to  a  resort 
to  arms,  if  need  be.  The  Federalists,  on  the  other 
hand,  were  alarmed  at  the  anarchical  tendencies  in 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  51 

France.  They  were  fearful  that  law,  order,  govern 
ment,  and  society  itself,  would  be  utterly  and  speedily 
swept  away,  unless  the  revolutionary  movement  was 
arrested.  Cherishing  these  apprehensions,  they  were 
disposed  to  favor  the  views  of  Great  Britain  and  other 
European  powers,  and  were  anxious  that  the  ^,ern 
ment  of  the  United  States  should  adopt  some  active 
measures  to  assist  in  checking  what  they  could  not  but 
view  as  rapid  strides  to  political  and  social  anarchy. 
However  the  two  parties  differed  as  to  the  measures 
proper  to  be  adopted  in  this  crisis,  they  were  united  in 
the  conviction  that  our  government  should  take  some 

O 

part  as  a  belligerant,  in  these  European  struggles ;  ana 
exerted  each  its  influence  to  bring  about  such  an  in 
terference  as  would  be  in  accordance  with  their  con 
flicting  views  of  duty  and  expediency. 

There  was  residing,  at  this  period,  in  Boston,  a  young 
and  nearly  briefless  lawyer,  whose  views  on  these  im 
portant  matters  differed  materially  from  those  enter 
tained  by  both  parties.  It  was  John  Quincy  Adams. 
While  he  could  not  countenance  the  attempts  of  the 
Allied  Powers  to  destroy  the  French  Republic,  and  re 
establish  a  monarchy,  he  was  equally  far  from  favoring 
the  turn  which  affairs  were  clearly  taking  in  that  un 
happy  country.  He  evidently  foresaw  the  French 
Revolution  would  prove  a  failure  ;  and  that  it  was 
engendering  an  influence  which,  unchecked,  would  be 
deeply  injurious  to  American  liberty  and  order.  To 
counteract  this  tendency,  he  published  in  the  Boston 


52  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

Centinel,  in  1791,  a  series  of  articles,  signed  "  Publicola,' 
in  which  he  discussed  with  great  ability,  the  wild  va 
garies  engendered  among  political  writers  in  France, 
and  which  had  been  caught  up  by  many  in  our  own 
country.  These  articles  attracted  much  attention,  both 
at  home  and  abroad.  They  were  re-published  in  Eng 
land,  as  an  answer  to  several  points  in  Paine's  "  Rights 
of  Man."  So  profound  was  the  political  sagacity  they 
displayed,  and  so  great  the  familiarity  with  public 
affairs,  that  they  were,  by  general  consent,  attributed  to 
the  elder  Adams.  On  this  subject,  John  Adams  writes 
his  wife  as  follows,  from  Philadelphia,  on  the  5th 
December,  1793  : — • 

"  The  Viscount  Noailles  called  on  me.  *  *  *  *  He  seemed  very 
critical  in  his  inquiries  concerning  the  letters  printed  as  mine  in 
England.  I  told  him  candidly  that  I  did  not  write  them,  and  as 
frankly,  in  confidence,  who  did.  He  says  they  made  a  great  im 
pression  upon  the  people  of  England  ;  that  he  heard  Mr.  Windham 
and  Mr.  Fox  speak  of  them  as  the  best  thing  that  had  been  written, 
and  as  one  of  the  best  pieces  of  reasoning  and  style  they  had  ever 
read." 

The  younger  Adams,  in  surveying  the  condition  of  the 
country  at  this  critical  period,  became  convinced  it 
would  be  a  fatal  step  for  the  new  government  to  take 
sides  with  either  of  the  great  parties  in  Europe,  who 
were  engaged  in  the  settlement  of  their  difficulties  by 
the  arbitrement  of  arms.  However  strongly  our  sym 
pathies  were  elicited  in  behalf  of  the  French  Re 
public — however  we  may  have  been  bound  in  gratitude 
for  the  assistance  rendered  us  during  our  Revolution- 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUIXCY    ADAMS.  53 

ary  struggle,  to  co-operate  with  France  in  her  defence 
of  popular  institutions — still,  self-preservation  is  the 
first  law  of  nature.  Mr.  Adams  saw,  that  to  throw 
ourselves  into  the  melee  of  European  conflicts,  would 
prostrate  the  interests  of  the  country,  and  peril  the  very 
existence  of  the  government. 

These  views  he  embodied  in  a  series  of  articles, 
which  he  published  in  the  Boston  Centinel,  in  1793, 
under  the  signature  of  "  Marcellus."  He  insisted  it 
was  alike  the  dictate  of  duty  and  policy,  that  the 
United  States  should  remain  strictly  neutral  between 
France  and  her  enemies.  These  papers  attracted 
general  attention  throughout  the  Union,  and  made  a 
marked  impression  on  the  public  mind.  They  were 
read  by  Washington,  with  expressions  of  the  highest 
satisfaction  ;  and  he  made  particular  inquiries  respect 
ing  the  author. 

The  position  of  Mr.  Adams  on  neutrality  was  new, 
and  in  opposition  to  the  opinions  of  the  great  mass  of 
the  country.  To  him,  it  is  believed,  belongs  the  honor 
of  first  publicly  advocating  this  line  of  policy,  which 
afterwards  became  a  settled  principle  of  the  American 
government.  Non-interference  with  foreign  affairs,  is  a 
principle  to  which  the  Union  has  rigidly  adhered  to  the 
present  hour.  In  these  articles  too,  Mr.  Adams  devel 
oped  the  political  creed  which  governed  him  through  life 
in  regard  to  two  great  principles — union  at  home,  and 
independence  of  all  foreign  alliances  or  entanglements 


54  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

— independence  not  only  politically,  but  in  manufactures 
and  in  commerce. 

On  the  25th  of  April,  1793,  Washington  issued  a 
proclamation,  announcing  the  neutrality  of  the  United 
States  between  the  belligerent  nations  of  Europe. 
This  proclamation  was  not  issued  until  after  Mr. 
Adams'  articles  urging  this  course  had  been  before  the 
public  for  some  time.  It  is  an  honorable  testimony  to 
the  sagacity  of  his  views,  that  Washington,  and  the 
eminent  men  composing  his  cabinet,  adopted  a  policy 
which  coincided  so  perfectly  with  opinions  he  had 
formed  purely  from  the  strength  of  his  own  convictions. 
The  proclamation  pleased  neither  of  the  belligerent 
nations  in  Europe.  It.  aroused  the  enmity  of  both; 
and  laid  open  our  commerce  to  the  depredations  of  ail 
parties,  on  the  plea  that  the  American  government 
was  inimical  to  their  interests. 

While  in  the  practice  of  law  in  Boston,  Mr.  Adams 
was  not  well  satisfied  with  his  condition  or  prospects. 
That  he  was  laudably  ambitious  to  arise  to  distinction 
n  some  honorable  line  is  quite  certain.  But  singular 
as  it  may  appear  at  this  day,  in  view  of  his  early  life, 
•and  his  acknowledged  talents,  he  was  not  looking  for, 
nor  expecting,  political  preferment.  These  facts  ap 
pear  in  the  following  passages  from  his  diary,  written 
at  that  time  ;  and  which,  moreover,  will  be  found  to 
contain  certain  rules  of  action  for  life,  which  the 
young  men  of  our  country  should  studiously  seek  to 
imitate. 


9  LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS.  55 

"Wednesday,  May  16th,  1792.  I  am  not  satisfied  with  the  man 
ner  in  which  I  employ  my  time.  It  is  calculated  to  keep  me  forever 
fixed  in  that  state  of  useless  and  disgraceful  insignificancy,  which 
has  been  my  lot  for  some  years  past.  At  an  age  bearing  close  upon 
twenty -five,  when  'many  of  the  characters  who  were  born  for  the 
benefit  of  their  fellow-creatures  have  rendered  themselves  conspic 
uous  among  their  cotemporaries,  and  founded  a  reputation  upon 
which  their  memory  remains,  and  will  continue  to  the  latest  pos 
terity — at  that  period,  I  still  find  myself  as  obscure,  as  unknown  to 
the  world,  as  the  most  indolent,  or  the  most  stupid  of  human  beings. 
In  the  walks  of  active  life  I  have  done  nothing.  Fortune,  indeed, 
who  claims  to  herself  a  large  proportion  of  the  merit  which  ex 
hibits  to  public  view  the  talents  of  professional  men,  at  an  early 
period  of  their  lives,  has  not  hitherto  been  peculiarly  indulgent  to 
me.  But  if  to  my  own  mind  I  inquire  whether  I  should,  at  this- 
time,  be  qualified  to  receive  and  derive  any  benefit  from  an  oppor 
tunity  which  it  may  be  in  her  power  to  procure  for  me,  my  own  mim* 
would  shrink  from  the  investigation.  My  heart  is  not  conscious  of 
an  unworthy  ambition  ;  nor  of  a  desire  to  establish  either  fame 
honor,  or  fortune  upon  any  other  foundation  than  that  of  desert 
But  it  is  conscious,  and  the  consideration  is  equally  painful  and  hu 
miliating,  it  is  conscious  that  the  ambition  is  constant  and  unceasing 
while  the  exertions  to  acquire  the  talents  which  ought  alone  to 
secure  the  reward  of  ambition,  are  feeble,  indolent,  frequently  in 
terrupted,  and  never  pursued  with  an  ardor  equivalent  to  its  purposes. 
My  future  fortunes  in  life  are,  therefore,  the  objects  of  my  present 
speculation,  and  it  may  be  proper  for  rne  to  reflect  further  upon  the 
same  subject,  and  if  possible,  to  adopt  some  resolutions  which  may 
enable  me,  as  uncle  Toby  Shandy  said  of  his  miniature  sieges,  to 
answer  the  great  ends  of  my  existence. 

"  First,  then,  I  begin  with  establishing  as  a  fundamental  principle 
upon  which  all  my  subsequent  pursuits  and  regulations  are  to  be 
established,  that  the  acquisition,  at  least,  of  a  respectable  reputation 
is  (subject  to  the  overruling  power  and  wisdom  of  Providence,) 
within  my  own  power  ;  and  that  on  my  part  nothing  is  wanting,  but 
a  constant  and  persevering  determination  to  tread  in  the  steps  which 
naturally  lead  to  honor.  And,  at  the  same  time,  I  am  equally  con 
vinced,  that  I  never  shall  attain  that  credit  in  the  world,  which  my 
nature  directs  me  to  wish,  without  such  a  steady,  patient,  and  per- 


66  LIFE    OF    JOHN    aiTINCY    ADAMS.  . 

severing  pursuit  of  the  means  adapted  to  the  end  I  have  in  view,  as 
has  often  been  the  subject  of  my  speculation,  but  never  of  my 
practice. 

'Labor  and  toil  stand  stern  before  the  throne, 
And  guard — so  Jove  commands — the  sacred  place.' 

"  The  mode  of  life  adopted  almost  universally  by  my  cotempo- 
raries  and  equals  is  by  no  means  calculated  to  secure  the  object  of 
my  ambition.  My  emulation  is  seldom  stimulated  by  observing  the 
industry  and  application  of  those  whom  my  situation  in  life  gives 
me  for  companions.  The  pernicious  and  childish  opinion  that  ex 
traordinary  genius  cannot  brook  the  slavery  of  plodding  over  the 
rubbish  of  antiquity  (a  cant  so  common  among  the  heedless  votaries 
of  indolence),  dulls  the  edge  of  all  industry,  and  is  one  of  the  most 
powerful  ingredients  in  the  Circean  potion  which  transforms  many 
of  the  most  promising  young  men  into  the  beastly  forms  which,  in 
sluggish  idleness,  feed  upon  the  labors  of  others.  The  degenerate 
sentiment,  I  hope,  will  never  obtain  admission  in  my  mind  ;  and,  if 
my  mind  should  be  loitered  away  in  stupid  laziness,  it  will  be  under 
the  full  conviction  of  my  conscience  that  I  am  basely  bartering  the 
greatest  benefits  with  which  human  beings  can  be  indulged,  for  the 
miserable  gratifications  which  are  hardly  worthy  of  contributing  to 
the  enjoyments  of  the  brute  creation. 

"  And  as  I  have  grounded  myself  upon  the  principle,  that  my 
character  is,  under  the  smiles  of  heaven,  to  be  the  work  of  my  own 
hands,  it  becomes  necessary  for  me  to  determine  upon  what  part 
of  active  or  of  speculative  life  I  mean  to  rest  my  pretensions  to 
eminence,  i  My  own  situation  and  that  of  my  country  equally  pro 
hibit  me  from  seeking  to  derive  any  present  expectations  from  a  pub 
lic  career.  My  disposition  is  not  military  ;  and,  happily,  the  warlike 
talents  are  not  those  which  open  the  most  pleasing  or  the  most  repu 
table  avenue  to  fame.  I  have  had. some  transient  thoughts  of  un 
dertaking  some  useful  literary  performance,  but  the  pursuit  would 
militate  too  much  at  present  with  that  of  the  profession  upon  which 
I  am  to  depend,  not  only  for  my  reputation,  but  for  my  subsistence. 
\"  I  have,  therefore,  concluded  that  the  most  proper  object  of  my 
present  attention  is  that  profession  itself.  And  in  acquiring  the 
faculty  to  discharge  the  duties  of  it,  in  a  manner  suitable  to  my  own 
wishes  and  the  expectations  of  my  friends,  I  find  ample  room  for 
close  and  attentive  application  ;  for  frequent  and  considerate  obser- 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  57 

vation ;  and  for  such  benefits  of  practical  experience  as  occasional 
opportunities  may  throw  in  the  way." 

The  following  letter  from  John  Adams,  at  this  time 
Vice  President  of  the  United  States,  written  to  his 
wife  at  Quincy,  will  be  interesting,  as  showing,  among 
other  things,  his  anxiety  that  his  sons  should  make 
some  start  in  life,  which  would  give  promise  of  future 
usefulness.  He  was  far  from  believing  that  sons 
should  repose  in  idleness  on  the  reputation  or  wealth 
of  parents. 

"Philadelphia,  2  March,  1793. 
"Mr  DEAR, 

"  Your  letter  from  your  sick  chamber,  if  not  from  your  sick  bed, 
has  made  me  so  uneasy,  that  I  must  get  away  as  soon  as  possible. 
Monday  morning,  at  six,  I  am  to  set  off  in  the  stage ;  but  how 
many  days  it  will  take  to  get  home,  will  depend  on  the  roads  or  the 
winds.  I  don't  believe  Abby  [his  daughter,]  will  go  with  me.  Her 
husband  [Col.  William  S.  Smith,]  is  so  proud  of  his  wealth,  that  he 
would  not  let  her  go,  I  suppose,  without  a  coach-and-four ;  and 
such  monarchical  trumpery  I  will  in  future  have  nothing  to  do  with. 
I  will  never  travel  but  by  stage,  nor  live  at  the  seat  of  government 
but  at  lodgings,  while  they  give  me  so  despicable  an  allowance. 
Shiver  my  jib  and  start  my  planks  if  I  do ! 

"  I  will  stay  but  one  night  in  New  York.  Smith  says  that  my 
books  are  upon  the  table  of  every  member  of  the  Committee  foi 
framing  a  constitution  of  government  for  France,  except  Tom 
Paine,  and  he  is  so  conceited  as  to  disdain  to  have  anything  to  do 
with  books.  Although  I  abused  Smith  a  little  above,  he  is  very 
clever  and  agreeable  ;  but  I  have  been  obliged  to  caution  him  against 
his  disposition  to  boasting.  Tell  not  of  your  prosperity,  because  it 
will  make  two  men  mad  to  one  glad ;  nor  of  your  adversity,  for  it 
will  make  two  men  glad  to  one  sad.  He  boasts  too  much  of  having 
made  his  fortune,  and  placed  himself  at  ease,  above  all  favors  of 
government.  This  is  a  weakness,  and  betrays  too  little  knowledge 
of  the  world ;  too  little  penetration ;  too  little  discretion.  I  wish, 


58  LIFE    OF    JOHN    Q.UINCY    ADAMS. 

however,  that  my  boys  had  a  little  more  of  his  activity.  I  must 
soon  treat  them  as  the  pigeons  treat  their  squabs — push  them  off 
the  limb,  and  make  them  put  out  their  win^s  or  full.  Young 
pigeons  will  never  fly  till  this  is  done.  Smith  has  acquired  the  con 
fidence  of  the  French  ministry,  and  the  better  sort  of  the  members 
of  the  National  Convention.  But  the  Executive  is  too  changeable 
in  that  country  to  be  depended  on,  without  the  utmost  caution. 

"  Adieu,  adieu,  tendrement,  J.  A." 

One  of  the  sons  of  the  noble  patriot,  soon  "  put  out 
his  wings,"  and  soared,  ultimately,  to  a  pinnacle  of 
honor  and  renown  attained  by  few  among  men.  In 
the  winter  of  1793  and  1794,  the  public  mind  had  be 
come  highly  excited  from  the  inflammatory  appeals  in 
behalf  of  France,  by  Citizen  Genet,  the  French  Minis 
ter  to  the  United  States.  A  larq;e  portion  of  the  anti- 
Federal  party  took  sides  with  Mr.  Genet,  against  the 
neutral  position  of  our  Government,  and  seemed  deter 
mined  to  plunge  the  Union  into  the  European  contest, 
in  aid  of  the  French  Republic.  Some  idea  may  be 
obtained  of  the  excitement  which  prevailed  at  this 
time,  and  of  the  perilous  condition  of  the  country,  by 
an  extract  or  two  from  letters  of  Vice-President  John 
Adams.  In  a  letter  dated  Philadelphia,  Dec.  5,  1793, 
he  writes  as  follows  : — 

"  It  will  require  all  the  address,  all  the  temper,  and  all  the  firm 
ness  of  Congress  and  the  States,  to  keep  this  people  out  of  the  war ; 
or  rather,  to  avoid  a  declaration  of  war  against  us,  from  some  mis 
chievous  power  or  other.  It  is  but  little  that  I  can  do,  either  by  the 
functions  which  the  Constitution  has  entrusted  to  me,  or  by  my  per 
sonal  influence  ;  but  that  little  shall  bo  industriously  employed,  un 
til  it  is  put  beyond  a  doubt  that  it  will  be  fruitless ;  and  then,  I  shall 
be  as  ready  to  meet  unavoidable  calamities,  as  any  other  citizen." 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  59 

Under  date  of  Jan.  9,  1794,  he  says  :— 

"  The  prospects  of  this  country  are  gloomy,  but  the  situation  of 
All  Europe  is  calamitous  beyond  all  former  examples.  At  what 
time,  and  in  what  manner,  and  by  what  means,  the  disasters  which 
are  come,  and  seem  to  be  coming  on  mankind,  may  be  averted,  I 
know  not.  Our  own  people  have  been  imprudent,  as  I  think,  and 
are  now  smarting  under  the  effects  of  their  indiscretion  ;  but  this, 
instead  of  a  consolation,  is  an  aggravation  of  our  misfortune.  Mr. 
Genet  has  been  abusive  on  the  President  [Washington]  and  all  his 
ministers,  beyond  all  measure  of  decency  or  obligations  of  truthi 
and  in  other  respects,  not  yet  publicly  investigated,  his  conduct  has 
been  such  as  to  make  it  difficult  to  know  what  to  do  with  him. 
*****  The  news  of  this  evening  is,  that  the  Queen  of  France 
is  no  more.*  When  will  savages  be  satiated  with  blood  ?  No 
prospect  of  peace  in  Europe,  and  therefore  none  of  internal  harmony 
in  America.  We  cannot  well  be  in  a  more  disagreeable  situation 
than  we  are  with  all  Europe,  with  all  Indians,  and  with  all  Barb.try 
rovers.  Nearly  one  half  of  the  Continent  is  in  constant  opposition 
to  the  other,  and  the  President's  situation,  which  is  highly  respon 
sible,  is  very  distressing." 

It  taxed  the  wisdom  and  skill  of  Mr  Jefferson,  then 
Secretary  of  State,  to  counteract  the  influence  of  the 
French  Minister,  and  prevent  citizens  of  the  United 
States  from  committing  overt  acts  against  the  Allied 
Sovereigns,  and  embroiling  the  Union  in  a  foreign  war. 
In  this  endeavor  he  was  greatly  assisted  by  the  pen  of 
Mr.  J.  Q.  Adams.  This  gentleman  wrote  a  series  of 
essays  for  the  public  prints,  under  the  signature  of 
"  Columbus,"  reviewing  the  course  of  Mr.  Genet.  In 
these  articles,  he  pointed  out,  with  great  clearness,  the 
principles  of  the  law  of  nations  applicable  to  the  situ- 

*  Marie  Antoinette  was  beheaded  in  Paris, on  the  IGth  of  October, 
1793. 


60  LIFE    OF    JOHN  QUINCY    ADAMS. 

ation  of  the  country  in  the  neutral  line  of  policy  which 
had  been  wisely  adopted. 

In  reference  to  this  topic,  John  Adams  writes  his 
wife,  as  follows,  under  date  of  Dec.  19,  1793  : — 

"  The  President  has  considered  the  conduct  of  Genet  very 
nearly  in  the  same  light  with  '  Columbus,'  and  has  given  him  a  bolt 
of  thunder.  We  shall  see  how  this  is  supported  by  the  two  Houses. 
There  are  who  gnash  their  teeth  with  rage  which  they  dare  not 
own  as  yet.  We  shall  soon  see  whether  we  have  any  government 
or  not  in  this  country." 

The  political  writings  of  the  younger  Adams  had 
now  brought  him  prominently  before  the  public.  They 
attracted  the  especial  attention  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  who 
saw  in  them  a  vastness  of  comprehension,  a  maturity 
of  judgment  and  critical  discrimination,  which  gave 
large  promise  of  future  usefulness  and  eminence.  Be 
fore  his  retirement  from  the  State  Department,  he  com 
mended  the  youthful  statesman  to  the  favorable  regard 
of  President  Washington,  as  one  pre-eminently  fitted 
for  public  service. 

General  Washington,  although  a  soldier  by  profes 
sion,  was  a  lover  of  peace.  His  policy  during  his  ad 
ministration  of  the  government,  was  pre-eminently 
pacific.  Convinced  that,  in  the  infant  state  of  the 
Union,  war  with  a  foreign  nation  could  result  only  in 
evil  and  ruin,  he  was  anxious  to  cultivate  the  most 
friendly  relations  with  foreign  governments,  and  to 
carry  out,  both  in  letter  and  spirit,  the  strict  neutrality 
he  had  proclaimed.  To  declare  and  maintain  these 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  01 

principles  abroad,  and  to  form  political  and  commer 
cial  relations  with  European  powers,  Washington  looked 
anxiously  around  for  one  fitted  for  a  mission  so  im 
portant.  His  attention  soon  became  fixed  on  John 
Quincy  Adams.  He  saw  in  him  qualities  not  only  of 
deep  political  sagacity,  and  views  of  policy  at  unity 
with  his  own,  but  a  familiarity  with  the  languages  and 
customs  of  foreign  courts,  which  marked  him  as  one 
every  way  calculated  to  represent  our  government  with 
credit  in  the  old  world.  He  accordingly,  in  May,  1794, 
appointed  Mr.  Adams  Minister  of  the  United  States  at 
the  Hague! 

That  this  prominent  appointment  \vas  as  flattering  to 
Mr.  Adams  as  it  was  unexpected,  is  naturally  true.  It 
was  the  more  to  his  credit  in  consideration  of  the  fact, 
that  in  those  days  elevation  to  offices  of  this  importance 
was  the  award  of  merit  and  talent,  and  not  the  result 
of  importunity,  or  the  payment  of  party  services.  Mr. 
Adams  was  at  this  time  in  the  twenty-seventh  year  of 
his  age — a  younger  man,  undoubtedly,  than  has  since 
ever  been  selected  by  our  Government  to  fulfil  a  trust 
so  important.  But  the  ability  and  discretion  of  the 
young  diplomatist,  and  the  success  which  attended  his 
negotiations  in  Europe,  so  creditable  to  himself  and  his 
country,  fully  justified  the  wisdom  of  Washington  in 
selecting  him  for  this  important  duty. 

Although  the  father  of  Mr.  Adams  was  then  Vice 
President  of  the  United  States,  yet  it  is  well  known  his 
appointment  on  a  foreign  mission  was  obtained  without 


<52  LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS. 

the  influence  or  even  the  request  of  his  parent.  It  is 
not  strictly  correct,  however,  as  stated  by  several  bi 
ographers,  that  he  was  selected  for  the  mission  to  Hol 
land  without  any  previous  intimation  of  the  President's 
intentions  to  his  father.  This  is  made  evident  by  the 
following  extract  of  a  letter  from  John  Adams  to  his 
wife,  dated  Philadelphia,  27th  May,  1794,  conveying 
intelligence  which  must  have  made  a  mother's  heart 
swell  with  honest  pride  and  satisfaction  : — 

"  It  is  proper  that  I  should  apprize  yon.  that  the  President  ]ms  it 
in  contemplation  to  send  your  son  to  Holland,  that  you  may  recol 
lect  yourself  and  prepare  for  the  event.  I  make  this  communica 
tion  to  you  in  coniidenco,  at  the  desire  of  the  President,  communi 
cated  to  me  yesterday  by  the  Secretary  of  State.  You  must  k^ep 
it  an  entire  secret  until  it  shall  be  announced  to  the  public  in  the 
journal  of  the  Senate.  But  our  son  must  hold  himself  in  readiness 
to  come  to  Philadelphia,  to  converse  with  the  President,  Secretary 
of  State,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  &c.,  and  receive  his  commis 
sions  and  instructions,  without  loss  of  time.  He  will  go  to  Provi 
dence  in  the  stage,  and  thence  to  New  York  by  water,  and  thence 
to  Philadelphia  in  the  stage.  He  will  not  set  out,  however,  until 
he  is  informed  of  his  appointment." 

"  Your  son  !"  is  the  phrase  by  which  the  father 
meant  to  convey  his  own  sense  of  how  large  a  part  the 
mother  had  in  training  that  son  ;  and  to  enhance  the 
compliment,  it  is  communicated  to  her  at  the  desire  of 
President  Washington. 


CHAPTER  III. 

MR.  ADAMS  TRANSFERRED  TO  BERLIN HIS  MARRIAGE LITE 
RARY  PURSUITS TRAVELS  IN  SILESIA NEGOTIATES  TREA 
TIES  WITH  SWEDEN  AND  PRUSSIA RECALLED  TO  THE  UNI 
TED  STATES. 

MR.  ADAMS  presented  himself  at  the  Hague,  as  Min 
ister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States,  in  the  sum 
mer  or  fall  of  1794.  Ten  years  before,  he  was  there 
with  his  father — a  lad.  attending  school — at  which  time 
the  father  wrote  :  ''  They  give  him  a  good  character 
wherever  he  has  been,  and  I  hope  he  will  make  a  good 
man."  How  abundantly  that  hope  was  likely  to  be 
fulfilled,  the  elevated  and  responsible  position  occupied 
by  the  son  at  the  expiration  of  the  first  ten  years  after 
it  was  expressed,  gave  a  promising  and  true  indication. 

On  his  arrival  in  Holland,  Mr.  Adams  found  the  af 
fairs  of  that  country  in  great  confusion,  in  consequence 
of  the  French  invasion.  So  difficult  was  it  to  prosecute 
any  permanent  measures  for  the  benefit  of  the  United 
States,  owing  to  the  existing  wars  and  the  unsettled 
state  of  things  in  Europe,  that  after  a  few  months  he 
thought  seriously  of  returning  home.  A  report  of  this 
nature  having  reached  President  Washington,  drew 
from  him  a  letter  to  Vice  President  John  Adams, 


64  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

dated  Aug.  20,  1795,  in  which  the  following  language 
occurs : — 

"  Your  son  must  not  think  of  retiring  from  the  path  he  is  now  ir . 
His  prospects,  if  he  pursues  it,  are  fair  ;  and  I  shall  be  much  mis 
taken  if,  in  as  short  a  time  as  can  well  be  expected,  he  is  not  found 
at  the  head  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps,  be  the  government  adminis 
tered  by  whomsoever  the  people  may  choose." 

This  approbation  of  his  proceedings  thus  far,  and 
encouragement  as  to  future  success,  from  so  high  ji 
source,  undoubtedly  induced  the  younger  Adams  to 
forego  his  inclination  to  withdraw  from  the  field  of 
diplomacy.  He  continued  in  Holland  until  near  the 
close  of  Washington's  administration.  That  he  waj- 
not  an  inattentive  observer  of  the  momentous  events 
then  transpiring  in  Europe,  but  was  watchful  and  faith 
ful  in  all  that  pertained  to  the  welfare  of  his  country, 
is  abundantly  proved  by  his  official  correspondence 
with  the  government  at  home.  His  communications 
were  esteemed  by  Washington,  as  of  the  highest  value, 
affording  him,  as  they  did,  a  luminous  description  of  the 
movement  of  continental  affairs,  upon  which  he  could 
place  the  most  implicit  reliance. 

The  following  extract  of  a  letter  from  John  Adams, 
will  show  the  interest  he  naturally  took  in  the  welfare 
of  his  son  while  abroad,  and  also  afford  a  brief  glance 
at  the  political  movements  of  that  day.  It  is  dated 
Philadelphia,  Jan.  23,  1796  :— 

"  We  have  been  very  unfortunate  in  the  delays  which  have  at 
tended  the  dispatches  of  our  ambassadors.  Very  lucky,  Mr.  John 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  65 

Quincy  Adams,  that  you  are  not  liable  to  criticism  on  this  occasion ! 
This  demurrage  would  have  been  charged  doubly,  both  to  your  ac 
count  and  that  of  your  father.  It  would  have  been  a  scheme,  a 
trick,  a  design,  a  contrivance,  from  hatred  to  France,  attachment 
to  England,  monarchical  manoeuvres,  and  aristocratical  cunning  ! 
OJi !  how  eloquent  they  would  have  been  ! 

"  The  southern  gentry  are  playing,  at  present,  a  very  artful  game, 
which  I  may  develope  to  you  in  confidence  hereafter,  under  the  seal 
of  secrecy.  Both  in  conversation  and  in  letters,  they  are  repre 
senting  the  Vice-President  [John  Adams,]  as  a  man  of  moderation. 
Although  rather  inclined  to  limited  monarchy,  and  somewhat  at 
tached  to  the  English,  he  is  much  less  so  than  Jay  or  Hamilton. 
For  their  part,  for  the  sake  of  conciliation,  they  should  be  very 
willing  he  should  be  continued  as  Vice-President,  provided  the 
northern  gentlemen  would  consent  that  Jefferson  should  be  Pres 
ident.  I  most  humbly  thank  you  for  your  kind  condescension. 
Messieurs  Transchesapeakes. 

"  Witness  my  hand, 

"  JOHN  ADAMS." 

Another  allusion  to  his  son  while  abroad,  is  made  by 
the  elder  Adams,  in  a  letter  dated  Philadelphia,  March 
25,  1796. 

"  The  President  told  me  he  had  that  day  received  three  or  four 
letters  from  his  new  Minister  in  London,  one  of  them  as  late  as  the 
29th  of  December.  Mr.  Pickering  informs  me  that  Mr.  Adams* 
modestly  declined  a  presentation  at  court,  but  it  was  insisted  on  by 
Lord  Grenville ;  and,  accordingly,  he  was  presented  to  the  King, 
and  I  think  the  Queen,  and  made  his  harangues  and  received  his 
answers.  By  the  papers  I  find  that  Mr.  Pinckney  appeared  at 
court  on  the  28th  of  January,  after  which,  I  presume,  Mr.  Adams 
had  nothing  to  do  but  return  to  Holland." 

During  his  residence  as  Minister  at  the  Hague,  Mr. 
Adams  had  occasion  to  visit  London,  to  exchange  the 
ratifications  of  the  treaty  recently  formed  with  Great 

*  John  Q,uincy  Adams. 


66  LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS. 

Britain,  and  to  take  measures  for  carrying  its  provisions 
into  effect.  (Alluded  to  in  the  above  letter  from  John 
Adams.)  It  was  at  this  time  that  he  formed  an  ac 
quaintance  with  Miss  LOUISA  CATHARINE  JOHNSON, 
daughter  of  Joshua  Johnson,  Esq.,  of  Maryland,  Con 
sular  Agent  of  the  United  States  at  London,  and  niece 
of  Governor  Johnson  of  Maryland,  a  Judge  of  the  Su 
preme  Court  of  the  United  States,  and  a  signer  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence.  The  friendship  they 
formed  for  each  other,  soon  ripened  into  a  mutual  at 
tachment  and  an  engagement.  They  were  married  on 
the  '26th  of  July,  1797.  It  was  a  happy  union.  Foi 
more  than  half  a  century  they  shared  each  other's  joys 
and  sorrows.  The  venerable  matron  who  for  tin's  long 
period  accompanied  him  in  all  the  vicissitudes  of  his 
eventful  life,  still  survives,  to  deplore  the  loss  of  him 
who  had  ever  proved  a  faithful  protector  and  the  kind 
est  of  husbands. 

In  the  meantime,  the  elder  Adams  had  been  elected 
President  of  the  United  States,  in  1796.  The  curious 
reader  may  have  a  desire  to  know  something  of  the 
views,  feelings  and  anticipations  of  those  elevated  to 
places  of  the  highest  distinction,  and  of  the  amount  of 
enjoyment  they  reap  from  the  honors  conferred  upon 
them.  A  glance  behind  the  scenes  is  furnished  in  iho 
following  correspondence  between  John  Adams  an:] 
his  wife,  which  took  place  at  his  election  to  the  Pres 
idency.* 
*  Letters  of  John  Adams,  v.  ii.  pp.  242, 243.  Mrs.  Adams'  Letters,  p.  373. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    Q.UINCY    ADAMS.  67 

MR.    ADAMS    TO   HIS    WIFE. 

"  Philadelphia,  4th  of  Feb.,  1797. 
"My  DEAREST  FRIEND, 

"  I  hope  you  will  not  communicate  to  anybody  the  hints  I  give 
you  about  our  prospects  ;  but  they  appear  every  day  worse  and 
worse.  House  rent  at  twenty-seven  hundred  dollars  a  year,  fifteen 
hundred  dollars  for  a  carriage,  one  thousand  for  one  pair  of  horses, 
all  the  glasses,  ornaments,  kitchen  furniture,  the  best  chairs,  settees, 
plateaus,  &c.,  all  to  purchase  ;  all  the  china,  delph  or  wedgewood, 
glass  and  crockery  of  every  sort  to  purchase,  and  not  a  farthing 
probably  will  the  House  of  Representatives  allow,  though  the  Senate 
have  voted  a  small  addition.  All  the  linen  besides.  I  shall  not  pre 
tend  to  keep  more  than  one  pair  of  horses  for  a  carriage,  and  one 
for  a  saddle.  Secretaries,  servants,  wood,  charities,  which  are  de 
manded  as  rights,  and  the  million  dittoes,  present  such  a  prospect 
as  is  enough  to  disgust  any  one.  Yet  not  one  word  must  we  say. 
We  cannot  go  back.  We  must  stand  our  ground  as  long  as  we 
can.  Dispose  of  our  places  with  the  help  of  our  friend  Dr.  Tufts, 
as  well  as  you  can.  We  are  impatient  for  news,  but  that  is  always 
so  at  this  season.  I  am  tenderly  your  J.  A." 

THE    SAME    TO    THE    SAME. 

"Philadelphia,  9th  Feb.,  1797. 
"Mv  DEAREST  FRIEND, 

"  The  die  is  cast,*  and  you  must  prepare  yourself  for  honorable 
trials.  I  must  wait  to  know  whether  Congress  will  do  anything  or 
not  to  furnish  my  house.  If  they  do  not,  I  will  have  no  house  be 
fore  next  fall,  and  then  a  very  moderate  one,  with  very  moderate 
furniture.  The  prisoners  from  Algiersf  arrived  yesterday  in  this 
city,  in  good  health,  and  looking  very  well.  Captain  Stevens  is 
among  them.  One  woman  rushed  into  the  crowd  and  picked  out 
her  husband,  whom  she  had  not  seen  for  fourteen  years. 

"  I  am,  and  ever  shall  be,  yours,  and  no  other's,  J.  A." 

*  Mr.  Adams  had.  the  day  previous,  been  announced  President  elect 
of  the  United  States. 

t  American  citizens  who  had  long  been  in  captivity  among  the  Al- 
gerines. 


68  LIFE    OF    JOHN  ClUINCY    ADAMS. 

MRS.   JOHN   ADAMS   TO   HER   HUSBAND. 

"  Quincy,  8th  Feb.,  1797. 

"  '  The  sun  is  dressed  in  brightest  beams, 
To  give  thy  honors  to  the  day.'- 

"  And  may  it  prove  an  auspicious  prelude  to  each  ensuing  season. 
You  have  this  day  to  declare  yourself  head  of  a  nation.  '  And 
now,  O  Lord,  my  God,  thou  hast  made  thy  servant  ruler  over  the 
people.  Give  unto  him  an  understanding  heart,  that  he  may  know 
how  to  go  out  and  come  in  before  this  great  people  ;  that  he  may 
discern  between  good  and  bad.  For  who  is  able  to  judge  this  thy 
so  great  a  people  ?'  were  the  words  of  a  royal  sovereign  ;  and  not 
less  applicable  to  him  who  is  invested  with  the  Chief  Magistracy  of 
a  nation,  though  he  wear  not  a  crown,  nor  the  robes  of  royalty. 

"  My  thoughts  and  my  meditations  are  with  you,  though  personally 
absent ;  and  my  petitions  to  Heaven  are,  that '  the  things  which 
make  for  peace  may  not  be  hidden  from  your  eyes.'  My  feelings 
are  not  those  of  pride  or  ostentation,  upon  the  occasion.  They  are 
solemnized  by  a  sense  of  the  obligations,  the  important  trusts,  and 
numerous  duties  connected  with  it.  That  you  may  be  enabled  to 
discharge  them  with  honor  to  yourself,  with  justice  and  impartiality 
to  your  country,  and  with  satisfaction  to  this  great  people,  shall  be 
the  daily  prayer  of  your  A.  A." 

MR.   ADAMS   TO   HIS   WIFE. 

"  Philadelphia,  5th  March,  1797. 
"MY  DEAREST  FRIEND, 

"  Your  dearest  friend  never  had  a  more  trying  day  than  yester 
day.*  A  solemn  scene  it  was  indeed  ;  and  it  was  made  more  affect 
ing  to  me  by  the  presence  of  the  General,  [Washington,]  whose 
countenance  was  as  serene  and  unclouded  as  the  day.  He  seemed 
to  me  to  enjoy  a  triumph  over  me.  Methought  I  heard  him  say 
«  Ay !  I  am  fairly  out,  and  you  fairly  in  !  See  which  of  us  will  be 
happiest.'  When  the  ceremony  was  over,  he  carne  and  made  me 
a  visit,  and  cordially  congratulated  me,  and  wished  my  administra 
tion  might  be  happy,  successful,  and  honorable. 

*  Th«  day  of  his  inauguration  as  President. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUIXCY    ADAMS.  69 

"  It  is  now  settled  that  I  am  to  go  into  his  house.  It  is  whispered 
that  he  intends  to  take  French  leave  to-morrow.  I  shall  write  you 
as  fast  as  we  proceed.  My  chariot  is  finished,  and  I  made  my  first 
appearance  in  it  yesterday.  It  is  simple,  but  elegant  enough.  My 
horses  are  young,  but  clever. 

"  In  the  chamber  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  was  a  multi 
tude  as  great  as  the  space  could  contain,  and  I  believe  scarcely  a 
dry  eye  but  Washington's.  The  sight  of  the  sun  setting  full 
orbed,  and  another  rising,  though  less  splendid,  was  a  novelty. 
Chief  Justice  Ellsworth  administered  the  oath,  and  with  great  en 
ergy.  Judges  Gushing,  Wilson,  and  Iredell,  were  present.  Many 
ladies.  I  had  not  slept  well  the  night  before,  and  did  not  sleep  well 
the  night  after.  I  was  unwell,  and  did  not  know  whether  I  should 
get  through  or  not.  I  did,  however.  How  the  business  was  re 
ceived,  I  know  not ;  only  I  have  been  told  that  Mason,  the  treaty 
publisher,  said  we  should  lose  nothing  by  the  change,  for  he  never 
heard  such  a  speech  in  public  in  his  life. 

"  All  agree  that,  taken  altogether,  it  was  the  sublimest  thing  ever 
exhibited  in  America. 

"  I  am,  my  dearest  friend,  most  affectionately  and  kindly  yours, 

"  JOHN  ADAMS." 

On  entering  upon  the  duties  of  the  Presidency,  John 
Adams  was  greatly  embarrassed  in  regard  to  the  line 
he  should  adopt  toward  his  son.  True,  the  younger 
Adams  had  been  entrusted  by  Washington  with  an 
important  embassy  abroad,  and  had  acquitted  himself 
with  great  credit  in  his  responsible  station;  but  the 
father,  with  a  delicacy  highly  honorable,  hesitated  con 
tinuing  him  in  office,  lest  he  might  be  charged  with 
unworthy  favoritism,  and  a  disposition  to  promote  the 
'interest  of  his  family  at  the  expense  of  public  good. 
In  this  exigency,  not  daring  to  trust  his  own  judgment, 
lest  its  decisions  might  be  warped  by  parental  solici 
tude,  he  resorted  to  the  wisdom  and  experience  of 
5 


70  LIFE    OF    JOHN    CiUINCY    ADAMS. 

Washington.     Writing  him  for  advice  on  this  subject, 
he  received  the  following  reply : — 

"  Monday,  Feb.  20,  1797. 
*  DEAR  SIR, 

"  I  thank  you  for  giving  me  a  perusal  of  the  enclosed.  The  sen 
timents  do  honor  to  the  head  and  the  heart  of  the  writer.!;  and  if  mj 
wishes  would  be  of  any  avail,  they  should  go  to  you  in  a  strong 
Aope,  that  you  will  not  withhold  merited  promotion  from  John  Q. 
Adams,  because  he  is  your  son.  For  without  intending  to  compli 
ment  the  father  or  the  mother,  or  to  censure  any  others,  I  give  it  a;- 
my  decided  opinion,  that  Mr.  Adams  is  the  most  valuable  public 
character  we  have  abroad ;  |nd  that  there  remains  no  doubt  in  my 
nind,  that  he  will  prove  himself  to  be  the  ablest  of  all  our  diplo 
matic  corps.  If  he  was  now  to  be  brought  into  that  line,  or  into 
my  other  public  walk.  I  could  not,  upon  the  principle  which  has 
/egulated  my  own  conduct,  disapprove  of  the  caution  which  is 
Ainted  at  in  the  letter.  But  lie  is  already  entered  ;  the  public,  moro 
and  more,  as  he  is  known,  are  appreciating  his  talents  and  worth  ; 
and  his  country  would  sustain  a  loss,  if  these  were  to  be  checked 
by  over  delicacy  on  your  part. 

"  With  sincere  esteem,  and  affectionate  regard, 
"  I  am  ever  yours, 

"  GEORGE  WASHINGTON." 

This  letter  is  characteristic  of  the  discernment  and 
nobleness  of  Washington.  Appreciating  at  a  glance 
the  perplexed  position  of  Mr.  Adams,  and  wisely  dis 
criminating  between  the  bringing  forward  of  his  son 
for  the  first  time  into  public  service,  and  the  continu 
ing  him  where  he  had  already  been  placed  by  others, 
and  shown  himself  worthy  of  all  trust  and  confidence, 
he  frankly  advised  him  to  overcome  his  scruples,  and 
permit  his  son  to  remain  in  a  career  so  full  of  promise 
to  himself  and  his  country.  President  Adams,  in 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUIXCY    ADAMS.  71 

agreement  with  this  counsel,  determined  to  allow  his 
son  to  continue  in  Europe  in  the  public  capacity  to 
which  he  had  been  promoted  by  Washington. 

Shortly  previous  to  the  close  of  Washington's  ad 
ministration,  he  transferred  the  younger  Adams  from 
the  Hague,  by  an  appointment  as  Minister  Plenipoten 
tiary  to  Portugal,  but  before  proceeding  to  Lisbon,  his 
father,  in  the  meantime  having  become  President, 
changed  his  destination  to  Berlin.  He  arrived  in  that 
city  in  the  autumn  of  1797,  and  immediately  entered 
upon  the  discharge  of  his  duties  as  Minister  of  the 
United  States.  In  1798,  while  retaining  his  office  at 
Berlin,  he  was  commissioned  to  form  a  commercial 
treaty  with  Sweden. 

During  his  residence  at  Berlin,  Mr.  Adams,  while 
attending  with  unsleeping  diligence  to  his  public  duties, 
did  not  forego  the  more  congenial  pursuits  of  litera 
ture.  He  cultivated  the  acquaintance  of  many  eminent 
German  scholars  and  poets,  and  manifested  a  friendly 
sympathy  in  their  pursuits.  In  a  letter  to  the  late  Dr. 
Follen,  he  writes  of  that  day  as  follows  : — 

"  At  this  time,  Wieland  was  there  the  most  popular  of  the  Ger 
man  poets.  And  although  there  was  in  his  genius  neither  the 
originality  nor  the  deep  pathos  of  Goethe,  Klopstock,  or  Schiller, 
there  was  something  in  the  playfulness  of  his  imagination,  in  the 
tenderness  of  his  sensibility,  in  the  sunny  cheerfulness  of  his 
philosophy,  and  in  the  harmony  of  his  versification,  which  de 
lighted  me." 

To  perfect  his  knowledge  of  the  German  language, 
Mr.  Adams  made  a  metrical  translation  of  Wieland's 


72  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

Oberon  into  the  English  language.  The  publication 
of  this  work,  which  at  one  time  was  designed,. was  su 
perseded  by  the  appearance  of  a  similar  translation  by 
Sotheby. 

In  the  summer  of  1800,  Mr.  Adams  made  a  tour 
through  Silesia.  He  was  charmed  with  the  inhabi 
tants  of  that  region,  their  condition  and  habits.  In 
many  respects  he  found  them  bearing  a  great  similarity 
to  the  people  of  his  own  native  New  England.  Ho 
communicated  his  impressions  during  this  excursion,  ir. 
a  series  of  letters  to  a  younger  brother  in  Philadelphia. 
These  letters  were  interesting,  and  were  considered  of 
great  value  at  that  time,  in  consequence  of  many  im 
portant  facts  they  contained  in  regard  to  the  manufac 
turing  establishments  of  Silesia.  They  were  published, 
without  Mr.  Adams's  knowledge,  in  the  Port  Folio,  a 
weekly  paper  edited  by  Joseph  Dennie,  at  Philadel 
phia.  The  series  was  afterwards  collected  and  pub 
lished  in  a  volume,  in  London,  and  has  been  translated 
into  German  and  French,  and  extensively  circulated  on 
the  continent. 

Among  other  labors  while  at  Berlin,  Mr.  Adams  suc 
ceeded  in  forming  a  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce 
with  the  Prussian  government.  The  protracted  cor 
respondence  writh  the  Prussian  commissioners,  which 
resulted  in  this  treaty,  involving  as  it  did  the  rights  of 
neutral  commerce,  was  conducted  with  consummate 
ability  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Adams,  and  received  the 
fullest  sanction  of  the  government  at  home. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS.  73 

Mr.  Adams'  missions  at  the  Hague  and  at  Berlin, 
constituted  his  first  step  in  the  intricate  paths  of  diplo 
macy.  They  were  accomplished  amid  the  momentous 
events  which  convulsed  all  Europe,  at  the  close  of  the 
eighteenth  century.  Republican  France,  exasperated 
at  the  machinations  of  the  Allied  Sovereigns  to  destroy 
its  liberties,  so  recently  obtained,  was  pushing  its  ar 
mies  abroad,  determined,  in  self-defence,  to  kindle  the 
flames  of  revolution  in  every  kingdom  on  the  conti 
nent.  Great  Britain,  combined  with  Austria  and  other 
European  powers,  was  using  every  effort  to  crush  the 
French  democracy,  and  remove  from  before  the  eyes 
of  down-trodden  millions,  an  example  so  dangerous  to 
monarchical  institutions.  The  star  of  Napoleon  had 
commenced  its  ascent,  with  a  suddenness  and  bright 
ness  which  startled  the  imbecile  occupants  of  old 
thrones.  His  legions  had  rushed  down  from  the  Alps 
upon  the  sunny  plains  of  Italy,  and  with  the  swoop  of 
an  eagle,  had  demolished  towns,  cities,  kingdoms. 

Amid  this  conflict  of  nations,  the  commerce  and 
navigation  of  the  United  States,  a  neutral  power,  were 
made  a  common  object  of  prey  to  all.  Great  Britain 
and  France  especially,  did  not  hesitate  to  make  depre 
dations,  at  once  the  most  injurious  and  irritating.  Our 
ships  were  captured,  our  rights  disregarded.  In  the 
midst  of  these  scenes,  surrounded  by  difficulties  and 
embarrassments  on  every  hand,  the  youthful  ambassa 
dor  was  compelled  to  come  into  collision  with  the  vet 
eran  and  wily  politicians  of  the  old  world.  How  well 


74  LIFE    OF    JOHN    ClUINCY    ADAMS. 

he  maintained  the  dignity  and  honor  of  his  govern 
ment — how  sleepless  the  vigilance  with  which  he 
watched  the  movements  on  the  vast  field  of  political 
strife — how  prompt  to  protest  against  all  encroach 
ments — how  skilful  in  conducting  negotiations — and 
how  active  to  promote  the  interests  of  the  Union, 
wherever  his  influence  could  be  felt — the  archives  of 
our  country  will  abundantly  testify.  It  was  a  fitting 
and  promising  commencement  of  a  long  public  career 
which  has  been  full  of  usefulness  and  of  honor. 

The  administration  of  John  Adams,  as  President  of 
the  United  States,  was  characterized  by  great  prudence 
and  moderation,  considering  the  excited  state  of  the 
times.  There  cannot  be  a  doubt  he  was  anxious  to 
copy  the  worthy  example  of  his  illustrious  predecessor, 
in  administering  the  government  on  principles  of  strict 
impartiality,  for  the  good  of  the  whole  people,  without 
respect  to  conflicting  parties.  Immediately  on  his  in 
auguration,  he  had  an  interview  with  Mr.  Jefferson, 
then  Vice-President,  and  pioposed  the  adoption  of 
steps  that  would  have  a  tendency  to  quell  the  spirit  of 
faction  which  pervaded  the  country.  That  Mr.  Jeffer 
son,  on  his  part,  cherished  a  profound  respect  for  Mr. 
Adams,  his  old  co-laborer  in  the  cause  of  American 
freedom,  is  evident  from  his  letters  and  speeches  of 
that  day.  In  his  speech  on  taking  the  chair  of  the 
Senate,  as  Vice-President,  he  expressed  himself  IP  the 
following  terms  : — 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QU1NCY    ADAMS.  75 

"  I  might  here  proceed,  and  with  the  greatest  truth,  to  declare  my 
zealous  attachment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  ;  that 
I  consider  the  union  of  these  States  as  the  first  of  blessings  ;  and 
as  the  first  of  duties  the  preservation  of  that  Constitution  which 
secures  it ;  but  I  suppose  these  declarations  not  pertinent  to  the 
occasion  of  entering  into  an  office,  whose  primary  business  is  merely 
to  preside  over  the  forms  of  this  House  ;  and  no  one  more  sin 
cerely  prays  that  no  accident  may  call  me  to  the  higher  and  more 
important  functions,  which  the  Constitution  eventually  devolves  on 
this  office.  These  have  been  justly  confided  to  the  eminent  char 
acter  which  has  preceded  me  here,  whose  talents  and  integrity  have 
been  known  and  revered  by  me,  through  a  long  course  of  years ; 
have  been  the  foundation  of  a  cordial  and  uninterrupted  friendship  be 
tween  us  ;  and  I  devoutly  pray  he  may  be  long  preserved  for  the  gov 
ernment,  the  happiness  and  the  prosperity  of  our  common  country." 

The  sincere  attempts  of  President  Adams  to  produce 
harmony  of  political  action  among  the  American  peo 
ple,  were  unavailing.  The  extraordinary  events  trans 
piring  in  Europe,  exerted  an  influence  on  domestic  pol 
itics,  which  could  not  be  neutralized.  "  The  enemies 
of  France" — "  the  friends  of  England,"  or  vice  versa, 
were  cries  which  convulsed  the  nation  to  its  centre. 
The  entire  population  was  sundered  into  contending 
parties. 

John  Adams  was  a  true  republican.  His  political 
opponents  charged  him  with  monarchical  tendencies 
and  aspirations,  but  charged  him  most  falsely.  His 
life,  devoted  unreservedly  to  the  service  of  his  country, 
through  all  its  dark  and  perilous  journey  to  the  achieve 
ment  of  its  independence — his  public  speeches  and 
documents — his  private  letters,  written  to  his  bosom 
companion,  with  no  expectation  that  the  eye  of  any 


76  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

other  would  ever  rest  upon  them — all  testify  his  ardent 
devotion  to  the  principles  of  republicanism.  At  the 
breaking  out  of  the  French  Revolution,  he  yielded  it 
his  hearty  support,  and  did  not  withdraw  his  counte 
nance,  until  compelled,  by  the  scenes  of  anarchy  and 
of  carnage  which  soon  ensued,  to  turn  away  with  hor 
ror  and  raise  his  voice  against  proceedings  of  savage 
ferocity.  But  while  condemning  the  excesses  of  the 
French  revolutionists,  he  was  no  friend  of  Great  Brit 
ain.  This  is  made  evident  by  a  multitude  of  facts. 
Read,  for  instance,  the  following  extract  from  a  letter, 
not  written  for  public  effect,  addressed  to  his  wife, 
dated  Philadelphia,  April  9,  179G  :— 

"  I  have  read  '  the  minister's'  dispatches  from  London.  The 
King  could  not  help  discovering  his  old  ill  humor.  The  mad  idiot 
will  never  recover.  Blunderer  by  nature,  accidents  are  all  against 
him.  Every  measure  of  his  reign  has  been  wrong.  It  seems  they 
don't  like  Pinckney.  They  think  he  is  no  friend  to  that  country, 
and  too  much  of  a  French  Jacobin.  They  wanted  to  work  up  some 
idea  or  other  of  introducing  another  in  his  place,  but  our  young 
politician*  saw  into  them  too  deeply  to  be  duped.  At  his  last  visit 
to  Court,  the  King  passed  him  without  speaking  to  him,  which,  you 
know,  will  be  remarked  by  courtiers  of  all  nations.  I  am  glad  of 
it ;  for  I  would  not  have  my  son  go  so  far  as  Mr.  Jay,  and  affirm 
the  friendly  disposition  of  that  country  to  this.  I  know  better.  I 
know  their  jealousy,  envy,  hatred,  and  revenge,  covered  under  pre 
tended  contempt." 

While  President  Adams  cherished  no  partialities  for 
Great  Britain,  and  had  no  desire  to  promote  her  espe 
cial  interest,  he  was  compelled  by  the  force  of  circum- 

*  J.  Q.  Adams. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  77 

stances,  during  his  administration,  to  assume  a  hostile 
attitude  towards  France.  The  French  Directory,  cha 
grined  at  the  failure  of  all  attempts  to  induce  the  gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States  lo  abandon  its  neutrality 
and  take  up  arms  in  their  behalf  against  the  Allied 
Sovereigns,  and  deeply  incensed  at  the  treaty  recently 
concluded  between  England  and  the  United  States,  re 
sorted  to  retaliatory  measures.  They  adopted  com 
mercial  regulations  designed  to  cripple  and  destroy  our 
foreign  trade.  They  passed  an  ordinance  authorizing, 
in  certain  cases,  the  seizure  and  confiscation  of  Ameri 
can  vessels  and  cargoes.  They  refused  to  receive  Mr. 
Pinckney,  the  American  minister,  and  ordered  him 
peremptorily  to  leave  France. 

Mr.  Adams  convened  Congress,  by  proclamation,  on 
the  15th  of  June,  1797,  and  in  his  message  laid  before 
that  body  a  lucid  statement  of  the  aggressions  of  the 
French  Directory.  Congress  made  advances,  with  a 
view  to  a  reconciliation  with  France.  But  failing  in 
this  attempt,  immediate  and  vigorous  measures  were 
adopted  to  place  the  country  in  a  condition  for  war. 
A  small  standing  army  was  authorized.  The  command 
was  tendered  to  Gen.  Washington,  who  accepted  of  it 
with  alacrity,  sanctioning  as  he  did  these  defensive 
measures  of  the  government.  Steps  were  taken  for  a 
naval  armament,  and  the  capture  of  French  vessels 
authorized.  These  energetic  demonstrations  produced 

their  desired  effect.     The  war  proceeded  no  farthe* 

D 


78  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

than  a  few  collisions  at  sea.     The  French  Directory 
became  alarmed,  and  made  overtures  of  peace. 

Washington  did  not  survive  to  witness  the  restora 
tion  of  amicable  relations  with  France.  On  the  14th 
of  December,  1799,  after  a  brief  illness,  he  departed  this 
life,  at  Mount  Vernon,  aged  sixty-eight  years.  On  re 
ceiving  this  mournful  intelligence,  Congress,  then  in 
session  at  Philadelphia,  passed  the  following  resolu 
tion  : — 

"  Resolved,  That  the  Speaker's  chair  should  be  shrouded  in  black ; 
that  the  members  should  wear  black  during  the  session,  and  that 
a  joint  committee,  from  the  Senate  and  the  House,  be  appointed  to 
devise  the  most  suitable  manner  of  paying  honor  to  the  memory  of 
the  Man,  first  in  war,  first  in  peace,  and  first  in  the  hearts  of  hi? 
countrymen." 

Testimonials  of  sorrow  were  exhibited,  and  funeral 
orations  and  eulogies  were  delivered,  throughout  the 
United  States.  The  Father  of  his  Country  slept  in 
death,  and  an  entire  people  mourned  his  departure  ! 

On  assuming  the  duties  of  the  Presidency,  the  elder 
Adams  found  the  finances  of  the  country  in  a  condi 
tion  of  the  most  deplorable  prostration.  To  sustain 
the  government  in  this  department,  it  was  deemed  in 
dispensable  to  establish  a  system  of  direct  taxation,  by 
internal  duties.  This  produced  great  dissatisfaction 
throughout  the  Union.  An  "  alien  law"  was  passed, 
which  empowered  the  President  to  banish  from  the 
United  States,  any  foreigner  whom  he  should  consider 
dangerous  to  the  peace  and  safety  of  the  country. 
And  a  "  sedition  law,"  imposing  line  and  imprisonment 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  79 

for  "any  false,  scandalous,  and  malicious  writing  against 
the  government  of  the  United  States,  or  either  house 
of  Congress,  or  the  President." 

These  measures  are  not  justly  chargeable  to  John 
Adams.  They  were  not  recommended  nor  desired  by 
hin  ;  but  were  brought  forward  and  urged  by  Gen. 
Hamilton  and  his  friends.  Nevertheless  upon  Mr. 
Adams  was  heaped  the  odium  they  excited.  The  lead 
ing  measures  of  his  administration — the  demonstration 
against  France ;  the  standing  army ;  the  direct  taxa 
tion  ;  the  alien  and  sedition  laws — all  tended  to  injure 
his  popularity  with  the  mass  of  the  people,  and  to  de 
stroy  his  prospects  of  a  re-election  to  the  presidency. 
The  perplexities  he  was  compelled  to  encounter  during 
his  administration,  may  be  conceived  on  perusal  of  his 
language  in  a  letter  dated  March  17,  1797  : — 

"  From  the  situation  where  I  now  am,  I  see  a  scene  of  ambition 
beyond  all  my  former  suspicions  or  imaginations ;  an  emulation  which 
will  turn  our  government  topsy-turvy.  Jealousies  and  rivalries 
have  been  my  theme,  and  checks  and  balances  as  their  antidotes, 
till  I  am  ashamed  to  repeat  the  words ;  but  they  never  stared  me  in 
the  face  in  such  horrid  forms  as  at  present.  I  see  how  the  thing  is 
going.  At  the  next  election  England  will  set  up  Jay  or  Hamilton, 
and  France  Jefferson,  and  all  the  corruption  of  Poland  will  be  in 
troduced  ;  unless  the  American  spirit  should  rise  and  say,  we  will 
have  neither  John  Bull  nor  Louis  Baboon." 

In  1800,  the  seat  of  government  was  removed  to 
Washington.  In  taking  possession  of  the  President's 
house,  Mr.  Adams  bestowed  a  benediction  on  it,  which 
must  ever  meet  with  a  response  from  all  American 


80  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

hearts — "  Before  I  end  my  letter,  I  pray  heaven  to  be 
stow  the  best  of  blessings  on  this  house,  and  on  all  that 
shall  hereafter  inhabit  it.  May  none  but  honest  and 
wise  men  ever  rule  under  this  roof!"  A  description 
of  the  house  and  the  city,  at  that  time,  is  furnished 
in  a  letter  from  Mrs.  Adams  to  her  daughter,  written 
in  November,  1800  : — 

"  I  arrived  here  on  Sunday  last,  and  without  meeting  any  acci 
dent  worth  noticing,  except  losing  ourselves  when  we  left  Baltimore, 
and  going  eight  or  nine  miles  on  the  Frederick  road,  by  which 
means  we  were  obliged  to  go  the  other  eight  through  the  woods, 
where  we  wandered  two  hours  without  finding  a  guide  or  the  path. 
Fortunately,  a  straggling  black  carne  up  with  us,  and  we  engaged 
him  as  a  guide  to  extricate  us  out  of  our  difficulty  ;  but  woods  are 
all  you  see,  from  Baltimore,  until  you  reach  the  city,  which  is  only 
so  in  name.  Here  and  there  is  a  small  cot,  without  a  glass  window, 
interspersed  among  the  forests,  through  which  you  travel  miles 
without  seeing  any  human  being.  *********  The  house  is 
made  habitable,  but  there  is  not  a  single  apartment  finished,  and  all 
withinside,  except  the  plastering,  has  been  done  since  Briesler  came. 
We  have  not  the  least  fence,  yard,  or  other  convenience  without, 
and  the  great  unfinished  audience-room  I  make  a  drying-room  of, 
to  hang  up  the  clothes  in.  The  principal  stairs  are  not  up,  and 
will  not  be  this  winter.  Six  chambers  are  made  comfortable ;  two 
are  occupied  by  the  President  and  Mr.  Shaw  ;  two  lower  rooms, 
one  for  a  common  parlor,  and  one  for  a  levee  room.  Up  stairs  there 
is  the  oval  room,  which  is  designed  for  the  drawing-room,  and  has 
the  crimson  furniture  in  it.  It  is  a  very  handsome  room  now ;  but 
when  completed,  it  will  be  beautiful." 

The  presidential  contest  in  1800,  was  urged  with  a 
warmth  and  bitterness,  by  both  parties,  which  has  not 
been  equalled  in  any  election  since  that  period.  It 
was  the  first  time  two  candidates  ever  presented  them 
selves  to  the  people  as  rival  aspirants  for  the  highest 


LIFE    OF    JOHX    aUINCY    ADAMS.  81 

honor  in  their  gift.  Both  were  good  men  and  true — 
both  were  worthy  of  the  confidence  of  the  country. 
But  Mr.  Adams,  weighed  down  by  the  unpopularity  ot 
acts  adopted  during  his  administration,  and  suffering 
under  the  charge  of  being  an  enemy  to  revolutionary 
France,  and  a  friend  of  monarchical  England,  was  dis 
tanced  and  defeated  by  his  competitor.  Mr.  Jefferson 
was  elected  the  third  President  of  the  Republic,  and 
was  inaugurated  on  the  4th  of  March,  1801.  One  ot 
the  last  acts  of  John  Adams,  before  retiring  from  the 
Presidency,- Was  to  recall  his  son  from  Berlin,  that 
Mr.  Jefferson  might  have  no  embarrassment  in  that 
direction. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

MR.  ADAMS'    RETURN  TO  THE  UNITED  STATES — ELECTED  TO  THE 

MASSACHUSETTS    SENATE APPOINTED    U.    S.    SENATOR SUP 
PORTS      MR.      JEFFERSON PROFESSOR      OF      RHETORIC       AND 

BELLES    LETTRES APPOINTED    MINISTER    TO    RUSSIA. 

JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  returned  to  the  United  Stales 
from  his  first  foreign  embassy,  in  1801.  During  the 
stormy  period  of  his  father's  administration,  and  the 
ensuing  presidential  canvass,  he  was  fortunately  absent 
from  the  country.  Had  he  been  at  home,  his  situation 
would  have  been  one  of  great  delicacy.  It  can  hardly 
be  supposed  he  would  have  opposed  his  father's  meas 
ures,  or  his  reelection.  Yet  to  have  thrown  his  in 
fluence  in  their  behalf,  would  have  subjected  him  to 
the  imputation  of  being  moved  by  filial  attachment 
rather  than  the  convictions  of  duty.  From  this  painful 
dilemma,  he  was  saved  by  his  foreign  residence.  He 
came  home  uncommitted  to  party  measures,  untram 
melled  by  party  tactics  or  predilections  ;  and  thus  stood 
before  the  people,  as  he  could  wish  to  stand,  perfectly 
unshackled,  and  ready  to  act  as  duty  and  conscience 
should  direct. 

Arriving  in  the  United  States  with  distinguished 
honors  gained  by  successful  foreign  diplomacy,  Mr 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS.  83 

Adams  was  not  allowed  to  remain  long  in  inactivity. 
In  1802,  he  was  elected  to  the  Senate  of  Massachusetts, 
from  the  Boston  district.  During  his  services  in  that 
body,  he  gave  an  indication  of  that  independence,  as  a 
politician,  which  characterized  him  through  life,  by  his 
opposition  to  a  powerful  combination  of  banking  in 
terests,  which  was  effected  among  his  immediate  con 
stituents.  Although  his  opposition  was  unavailing,  yet 
it  clearly  showed  that  the  integrity  of  the  man  was 
superior  to  the  policy  of  the  mere  politician.  But 
higher  honors  awaited  him.  ^1 

In  1803,  he  was  elected  to  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States,  by  the  Legislature  of  Massachusetts.  Thus  at 
the  early  age  of  thirty-six  years,  he  had  attained  to  the 
highest  legislative  body  of  the  Union.  Young  in  years, 
but  mature  in  talent  arid  experience,  he  took  his  seat 
amid  the  conscript  fathers  of  the  country,  to  act  a  part 
which  soon  drew  upon  him  the  eyes  of  the  nation,  both 
in  admiration  and  in  censure. 

The  period  of  Mr.  Adams'  service  in  the  United 
States  Senate,  was  one  in  which  the  position  and  the 
interests  of  the  country  were  surrounded  by  embar 
rassments  and  perils  of  the  most  threatening  character. 
The  party  which  had  supported  his  father  had  become 
divided  and  defeated.  Mr.  Jefferson,  elevated  to  the 
Presidency  after  a  heated  and  angry  contest,  was  an 
object  of  the  dislike  and  suspicion  of  the  Federalists. 
The  conflicts  of  the  belligerent  nations  in  Euiope,  and 
the  measures  of  foreign  policy  they  severally  adopted, 


84  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

not  only  affected  the  interests  of  the  United  States, 
but  were  added  elements  to  inflame  the  party  contests 
at  home. 

In  1804,  Bonaparte  stepped  from  the  Consul  cham 
ber  to  the  throne  of  the  French  Empire.  All  Europe 
was  bending  to  his  giant  rule.  Great  Britain  alone, 
with  characteristic  and  inherent  stubbornness,  had  set 
itself  as  a  rock  against  his  ambitious  aspirations,  and 
prosecuted  with  unabated  vigor  its  determined  hostility 
to  all  his  measures  of  trade  and  of  conquest.  In  No 
vember,  1807,  the  British  Government  issued  the  cele 
brated  "  Orders  in  Council,"  forbidding  all  trade  with 
France  and  her  allies.  This  measure  was  met  by  Na 
poleon,  in  December,  with  his  '*  Milan  Decree,"  pro 
hibiting  every  description  of  commerce  with  England 
or  her  colonies.  Between  these  checks  and  counter 
checks  of  European  nations,  the  commerce  of  the 
United  States  was  in  peril  of  being  swept  entirely  from 
the  ocean. 

During  most  of  this  perplexed  and  trying  period, 
Mr.  J.  Q.  Adams  retained  his  seat  in  the  United  States 
Senate.  Although  sent  there  by  the  suffrages  of  the 
Federal  party,  in  the  Massachusetts  Legislature,  yet  he 
did  not,  and  would  not,  act  simply  as  a  partisan.  This 
in  fact  was  a  prominent  characteristic  in  Mr.  Adams 
throughout  his  entire  life,  and  is  the  key  which  explains 
many  of  his  acts  otherwise  inexplicable.  His  noble 
and  patriotic  spirit  arose  above  the  shackles  of  party. 
He  loved  the  interests  of  his  country,  the  happiness  of 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  85 

MAN,  more  than  the  success  of  a  mere  party.  So  far 
as  the  party  with  which  he  acted  advocated  measures 
which  he  conceived  to  be  wise  and  healthful,  he  yielded 
his  hearty  and  vigorous  co-operation.  But  whenever 
it  swerved  from  this  line  of  integrity,  his  influence  was 
thrown  into  the  opposite  scale.  This  was  the  rule  of 
his  long  career.  No  persuasions  or  emoluments,  no 
threats,  no  intimidations,  could  turn  him  from  it,  to  the 
breadth  of  a  hair.  It  was  in  consequence  of  this  char 
acteristic,  that  it  has  so  frequently  been  said  of  Mr. 
Adams,  that  he  was  not  a  reliable  party  man.  This 
was  to  a  degree  true.  He  was  not  reliable  for  any 
policy  adopted  simply  to  promote  party  interests,  and 
secure  party  ends.  But  in  regard  to  all  measures  which 
in  his  judgment  would  advance  the  welfare  of  the  peo 
ple,  secure  the  rights  of  man,  and  elevate  the  race,  no 
politician,  no  statesman  the  world  has  produced,  could 
be  more  perfectly  relied  upon. 

This  disposition  to  act  rz°-fap#hether  with  or  against 
his  party,  wras  developed  by  the  first  vote  he  ever  gave 
in  a  legislative  body.  While  in  the  Massachusetts 
Senate,  the  Federalists  were  the  dominant  party.  It 
was  the  custom  in  that  State,  to  choose  the  whole  of 
the  Governor's  Council  from  the  party  which  had  the 
majority  in  the  Legislature.  In  May,  1802,  Mr.  Adams 
was  desirous  that  a  rule  should  be  adopted  more  re 
gardful  of  the  rights  of  the  minority.  He  accordingly 
proposed  that  several  anti- Federalists  should  have  seats 

6  D* 


86  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

in  the  Council  of  Gov.  Strong,  and  gave  his  first  voto 
to  that  measure. 

On  a  certain  occasion,  Mr.  Adams  was  asked,  "  What 
are  the  recognized  principles  of  politics  ?"  He  replied, 
that  there  were  no  principles  in  politics — there  wen? 
recognized  precepts,  but  they  were  bad  ones.  But, 
continued  the  inquirer,  is  not  this  a  good  one — "  To 
seek  the  greatest  good  of  the  greatest  number  ?"  No, 
said  he,  that  te  the  worst  of  all,  for  it  looks  specious, 
while  it  is  ruinous.  What  shall  become  of  the  minor 
ity,  in  that  case  ?  This  is  the  only  principle  to  seek — 
"  the  greatest  good  of  all.''* 

A  few  months  after  Mr.  Adams'  entrance  into  the, 
Senate  of  the  United  States,  a  law  was  passed  by 
Congress,  at  the  suggestion  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  authoriz 
ing  the  purchase  of  Louisiana.  Mr.  Adams  deemed 
this  measure  an  encroachment  on  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  and  opposed  it  on  the  ground  of  its 
unconstitutionality.  He  was  one  of  six  senators  who 
voted  against  it.  Yet  when  the  measure  had  been 
legally  consummated,  he  yielded  it  his  support.  In 
passing  laws  for  the  government  of  the  territory  thus 
obtained,  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  was  granted  only  in 
capital  cases.  Mr.  Adams  labored  to  have  it  extended 
to  all  criminal  offences.  Before  the  territory  had  a 
representative  in  Congress,  the  government  proposed 
to  levy  a  tax  on  the  people  for  purposes  of  revenue. 
This  attempt  met  the  decided  opposition  of  Mj.  Adams. 
*  Massachusetts  Quarterly,  June,  1848. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    aiTINCY    ADAMS.  87 

He  insisted  it  would  be  an  exercise  of  government, 
without  the  consent  of  the  governed,  which,  to  all 
intents,  is  a  despotism. 

In  1805,  he  labored  to  have  Congress  pass  a  law 
levying  a  duty  on  the  importation  of  slaves.  This  was 
the  first  public  indication  of  his  views  on  the  subject 
of  slavery.  It  was  a  premonition  ofroe  bold,  unflinch 
ing,  noble  warfare  against  that  institution,  and  of  the 
advocacy  of  human  freedom  and  human  rights  in  the 
widest  sense,  which  characterized  the  closing  scenes 
of  his  remarkable  career,  and  which  will  perpetuate  his 
fame,  when  other  acts  of  his  life  shall  have  passed  from 
the  remembrance  of  men.  Although  at  that  early  day 
but  little  was  said  in  regard  to  slavery,  yet  the  young 
senator  saw  it  was  fraught  with  danger  to  the  Union 
— conferring  political  power  and  influence  on  slave 
holders,  on  principles  false  and  pernicious,  and  calcu 
lated  ultimately  to  distract  the  harmony  of  the  country, 
and  endanger  the  permanency  of  our  free  institutions. 
He  labored,  therefore,  to  check  the  increase  of  slave 
power,  by  the  only  means  which,  probably,  appeared 
feasible  at  that  time. 

But  a  crisis  in  his  senatorial  career  at  length  ar 
rived.  The  commerce  of  the  United  States  had  suf 
fered  greatly  by  "  Orders  in  Council,"  and  "  Milan 
Decrees."  Our  ships  were  seized,  conducted  into  for 
eign  ports  and  confiscated,  with  their  cargoes.  Amer 
ican  seamen  were  impressed  by  British  cruisers,  and 
compelled  to  serve  in  a  foreign  navy.  The  American 


88  LIFE    OF    JOHN    CUJINCY    ADAMS. 

frigate  Chesapeake,  while  near  the  coast  of  the  United 
States,  on  refusing  to  give  up  four  men  claimed  to  be 
British  subjects,  was  fired  into  by  the  English  man-of- 
war  Leopard,  and  several  of  her  crew  killed  and 
wounded.  These  events  caused  the  greatest  excite 
ment  in  the  United  States.  Petitions,  memorials,  re 
monstrances,  were  poured  in  upon  Congress  from  every 
part  of  the  Union.  Mr.  Jefferson  endeavored  by  em 
bassies,  negotiations,  and  the  exertion  of  every  influence 
in  his  power,  to  arrest  these  destructive  proceedings, 
and  obtain  a  redress  of  grievances.  But  all  was  in 
vain.  At  length  he  determined  on  an  embargo,  as 
the  only  means  of  securing  our  commerce  from  the 
grasp  of  the  unscrupulous  mistress  of  the  seas.  An 
act  to  that  effect  was  passed  in  Dec.,  1807.  This  ef 
fectually  prostrated  what  little  foreign  commerce  had, 
been  left  to  the  United  States. 

In  these  proceedings  Mr.  Jefferson  was  stoutly  op 
posed  by  the  Federal  party.  Massachusetts,  then  the 
chief  commercial  State  in  the  Union,  resisted  with  its 
utmost  influence  the  Embargo  Act,  as  pre-eminently 
destructive  to  its  welfare,  and  looked  to  its  Senators 
and  Representatives  in  Congress  to  urge  an  opposition 
to  the  extreme.  What  course  should  Mr.  Adams 
adopt  ?  On  the  one  hand,  personal  friendship,  the 
party  which  elected  him  to  the  Senate,  the  immediate 
interests  of  his  constituents,  called  upon  him  to  oppose 
the  measures  of  the  administration.  On  the  other  hand, 
more  enlarged  considerations  presented  themselves. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUIXCY    ADAMS.  89 

The  interest,  the  honor,  the  ultimate  prosperity  of  the 
whole  country — its  reputation  and  influence  in  the 
eyes  of  the  world — demanded  that  the  Government 
should  be  supported  in  its  efforts  to  check  the  aggres 
sions  of  foreign  nations,  and  establish  the  rights  of 
American  citizens.  In  such  an  alternative  John  Quincy 
Adams  could  not  hesitate.  Turning  from  all  other 
considerations  but  a  desire  to  promote  the  dignity  and 
welfare  of  the  Union,  he  threw  himself,  without  reserve, 
into  the  ranks  of  the  administration  party,  and  labored 
zealously  to  second  the  measures  of  Mr.  Jefferson. 

This  act  subjected  Mr.  Adams  to  the  severest  cen 
sure.  He  was  charged  with  basely  forsaking  his  party 
— with  the  most  corrupt  venality — with  the  low  motive 
of  seeking  to  promote  ambitious  longings  and  selfish 
ends.  But  those  who  made  these  charges  in  sincerity 
labored  under  an  entire  misapprehension  of  his  char 
acter  and  principles  of  action.  At  this  day,  aided  by 
the  instructive  history  of  his  life,  and  by  a  perfect 
knowledge  of  his  patriotism  and  devotion  to  truth  and 
principle,  as  developed  in  his  long  and  spotless  career, 
it  is  clearly  seen  that  in  the  event  under  consideration 
he  but  acted  up  to  the  high  rule  he  had  adopted,  of 
making  party  and  sectional  considerations  secondary 
to  the  honor  and  interest  of  the  nation — an  example 
which  no  pure  and  high-minded  statesman  can  hesitate 
to  follow. 

The  Legislature  of  Massachusetts  disapproved  the 
course  of  Mr.  Adams.  By  a  small  majority  of  Federal 


90  LIFE    OF    JOHN  dUINCY    ADAMS. 

votes,  it  elected  another  person  to  take  his  place  in  the 
Senate  at  the  expiration  of  his  term,  and  passed  resolu 
tions  instructing  its  Senators  in  Congress  to  oppose  the 
measures  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  Mr.  Adams  could  not, 
consistently  with  his  views  of  duty,  obey  these  instruc 
tions  ;  and  having  no  disposition  to  represent  a  body 
whose  confidence  he  did  not  retain,  he  resigned  his 
seat  in  the  Senate,  in  March,  1808. 

Although  Mr.  Adams  gave  most  of  his  days  to  the 
service  of  his  country,  yet  he  was  fond  of  literary 
pursuits,  and  acquired,  during  his  hours  of  relaxation 
from  sterner  duties,  a  vast  fund  of  classic  lore  and  useful 
learning.  At  an  early  day,  he  had  become  distin 
guished  as  a  ripe  scholar,  and  an  impressive,  dignified, 
and  eloquent  public  speaker.  His  reputation  for  lit 
erary  and  scholastic  attainments  quite  equalled  his 
fame  as  a  politician  and  statesman. 

In  1804,  on  the  death  of  President  Willard,  Mr. 
Adams  was  urged  by  several  influential  individuals, 
to  be  a  candidate  for  the  presidency  of  Cambridge 
University.  He  declined  the  proffered  honor.  During 
the  foftdwing  year,  however,  he  was  appointed  Profes 
sor  of  Rhetoric  and  Belles  Lettres,  in  that  institution. 
He  accepted  the  office,  on  condition  that  he  should  be 
allowed  to  discharge  its  duties  at  such  times  as  his 
services  in  Congress  would  permit.  His  inaugural 
address,  on  entering  the  professorship,  was  delivered 
on  the  12th  of  June,  1806.  His  lectures  on  rhetoric 
and  oratory  were  very  popular.  They  were  attended 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS.  91 

by  large  crowds  from  Boston  and  the  surrounding 
towns,  in  addition  to  the  collegiate  classes — a  compli 
ment  which  few  of  the  professors  since  his  day  have 
received. 

Mr.  Adams  continued  his  connection  with  the  Uni 
versity,  delivering  lectures  and  conducting  exercises 
in  declamation,  until  July,  1809.  "  It  was  at  this  time, 
and  as  a  member  of  one  of  the  younger  classes  at 
college,  that  I  first  saw  Mr.  Adams,  and  listened  to 
his  well-remembered  voice  from  the  chair  of  instruc 
tion  ;  little  anticipating,  that  after  the  lapse  of  forty 
years,  my  own  humble  voice  would  be  heard,  in  the 
performance  of  this  mournful  office.  Some  who  now 
hear  me  will  recollect  the  deep  interest  with  which 
these  lectures  were  listened  to,  not  merely  by  the 
youthful  audience  for  which  they  were  prepared,  but 
by  numerous  voluntary  hearers  from  the  neighborhood. 
They  formed  an  era  in  the  University ;  and  were,  I 
believe,  the  first  successful  attempt,  in  this  country,  at 
this  form  of  instruction  in  any  department  of  litera 
ture.  They  were  collected  and  published  in  two  vol 
umes,  completing  the  theoretical  part  of  the  subject. 
I  think  it  may  be  fairly  said,  that  they  will  bear  a 
favorable  comparison  with  any  treatise  on  the  subject, 
at  that  time  extant  in  our  language.  The  standard  of 
excellence,  in  every  branch  of  critical  learning,  has 
greatly  advanced  in  the  last  forty  years,  but  these 
lectures  may  still  be  read  with  pleasure  and  instruc 
tion.  Considered  as  a  systematic  and  academical 


92  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

treatise  upon  a  subject  which  constituted  the  chief 
part  of  the  intellectual  education  of  the  Greeks  and 
Romans,  these  lectures,  rapidly  composed  as  they 
were  delivered,  and  not  revised  by  the  author  before 
publication,  are  not  to  be  regarded  in  the  light  of  a 
standard  performance.  But  let  any  statesman  or  jurist, 
even  of  the  present  day,  in  America  or  Europe — 
whose  life,  like  Mr.  Adams's,  has  been  actively  passed 
in  professional  and  political  engagements,  at  home  and 
abroad — attempt,  in  the  leisure  of  two  or  thee  sum 
mers — his  mind  filled  with  all  the  great  political  topics 
of  the  day — to  prepare  a  full  course  of  lectures  on  any 
branch  of  literature,  to  be  delivered  to  a  difficult  and 
scrutinizing,  though  in  part  a  youthful  audience,  and 
then  trust  them  to  the  ordeal  of  the  press,  and  he  will 
be  prepared  to  estimate  the  task  which  was  performed 
by  Mr.  Adams."* 

Mr.  Adams's  devotion  to  literary  pursuits  was  destined 
to  an  early  termination.  On  the  4th  of  March,  1809, 
Mr.  Madison  was  inducted  into  the  office  of  President 
of  the  United  States.  It  was  at  that  time  far  from 
being  an  enviable  position.  At  home  the  country  was 
rent  into  contending  factions.  Our  foreign  affairs  were 
in  a  condition  of  the  utmost  perplexity,  and  evidently 
approaching  a  dangerous  crisis.  The  murky  clouds  of 
war,  which  had  for  years  overshadowed  Europe,  seemed 
rolling  hitherward,  filling  the  most  sanguine  and  hope- 

*  Edward  Everett's  Eulogy  on  the  Life  and  Character  of  John 
Quincy  Adams. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS.  98 

ful  minds  with  deep  apprehension.  Russia,  under  its 
youthful  Emperor  Alexander,  was  rising  to  a  promi 
nent  and  influential  position  among  the  nations  of 
Europe.  Mr.  Madison  deemed  it  of  great  importance 
that  the  United  States  should  be  represented  at  that 
court  by  some  individual  eminent  alike  for  talents,  ex 
perience,  and  influence.  John  Quincy  Adams  was 
selected  for  the  mission.  In  March,  1809,  he  was 
appointed  Minister  to  Russia,  and  the  summer  follow 
ing,  sailed  for  St.  Petersburgh. 

In  the  meantime,  our  relations  with  Great  Britain 
became  every  day  more  dubious.  While  striving,  in 
every  honorable  manner,  to  come  to  terms  of  recon 
ciliation,  President  Madison  was  making  rapid  prepar 
ations  for  war.  The  people  of  the  United  States,  de 
prived  by  the  non-intercourse  act  of  the  cheap  pro 
ductions  of  England,  began  to  turn  their  attention  and 
capital  to  domestic  manufactures.  At  length  the 
American  Government  demanded  peremptorily,  that 
the  restrictions  of  Great  Britain  and  France  on  our 
commerce  should  be  abrogated ;  war  being  the  alter 
native  of  a  refusal.  The  French  emperor  gave  satis 
factory  assurances  that  the  Berlin  decree  should  be 
withdrawn.  The  English  government  hesitated,  equiv 
ocated,  and  showed  evident  disinclination  to  take  any 
decided  step. 

"  In  this  doubtful  state  of  connexion  between  Amer 
ica  and  England,  an  accidental  collision  took  place 
between  vessels  of  the  respective  countries,  tending 


94  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

much  to  inflame  and  widen  the  existing  differences.  An 
English  sloop-of-war,  the  Little  Belt,  commanded  by 
Capt.  Bingham,  descried  a  ship  off  the  American  coast, 
and  made  sail  to  come  up  with  it ;  but  finding  it  :i 
frigate,  and  dubious  of  its  nation,  he  retired.  Tho 
other,  which  proved  to  be  American,  the  President, 
under  Capt.  Rogers,  pursued  in  turn.  Both  captain:; 
hailed  nearly  together ;  and  both,  instead  of  replying, 
hailed  again ;  and  from  words,  as  it  were,  came  to 
blows,  without  explanation.  Capt.  Bingham  lost  up 
wards  of  thirty  men,  and  his  ship  suffered  severely.  A 
Court  of  Inquiry  was  ordered  on  the  conduct  of  Capt. 
Rogers,  which  decided  that  it  had  been  satisfactorily- 
proved  to  the  court,  that  Capt.  Rogers  hailed  the  Lit 
tle  Belt  first,  that  his  hail  was  not  satisfactorily  an 
swered,  that  the  Little  Belt  fired  the  first  gun,  and 
that  it  was  without  previous  provocation  or  justifiable 
cause."* 

Several  attempts  were  made  after  this,  to  preserve 
the  peace  of  the  two  countries,  but  in  vain.  England, 
it  is  true,  withdrew  her  obnoxious  Orders  in  Council. 
It  was,  however,  too  late.  Before  intelligence  of  this 
repeal  reached  the  shores  of  the  United  States,  war 
was  declared  by  Congress,  on  the  18th  of  June,  1812. 

It  was  a  popular  war.  Although  strenuously  op 
posed  by  portions  of  the  Eastern  States,  as  destructive 
to  their  commerce,  yet  with  the  mass  of  the  people 
throughout  the  Union,  it  was  deemed  justifiable  and 
*  Lives  of  the  Presidents. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCV    ADAMS.  95 

indispensible.  A  long  series  of  insults  and  injuries  on 
the  part  of  Great  Britain — the  seizure  and  confiscation 
of  our  ships  and  cargoes  ;  the  impressing  of  our  sea 
men,  under  circumstances  of  the  most  irritating  de 
scription  ;  and  the  adoption  of  numerous  measures  to 
the  injury  of  our  interests — had  fully  prepared  the  pub 
lic  mind  in  the  United  States,  with  the  exception  of  a 
small  minority,  to  enter  upon  this  war  with  zeal  and 
enthusiasm. 

With  occasional  reverses,  general  success  attended 
our  arms  in  every  direction.  On  land  and  on  sea, 
the  American  eagle  led  to  victory.  The  combatants 
were  worthy  of  each  other.  Of  the  same  original 
stock — of  the  same  stern,  unyielding  material — their 
contests  were  bloody  and  destructive  in  the  extreme. 
But  the  younger  nation,  inspirited  by  a  sense  of  wrongs 
endured,  and  of  the  justness  of  its  cause,  bore  away 
the  palm,  and  plucked  from  the  brow  of  its  more  aged 
competitor  many  a  laurel  yet  green  from  the  ensan 
guined  fields  of  Europe.  In  scores  of  hotly-contested 
battles,  the  British  lion,  unused  as  it  was  to  cower  be 
fore  a  foe,  was  compelled  to  "  lick  the  dust"  in  defeat. 
At  York,  at  Chippewa,  at  Fort  Erie,  at  Lundy's  Lane, 
at  New  Orleans,  on  LakeChamplain,  on  Lake  Erie,  on 
the  broad  ocean,  Great  Britain  and  the  world  were 
taught  lessons  of  American  valor,  skill,  and  energy, 
which  ages  will  not  obliterate. 

This  war,  though  prosecuted  at  the  expense  of 
many  valuable  lives,  and  of  a  vast  public  debt,  was, 


96  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

unquestionably,  highly  beneficial  to  the  United  States1. 
It  convinced  all  doubters  that  our  government  was 
abundantly  able  to  resent  aggressions,  and  to  maintai  i 
its  rights  against  the  assaults  of  any  nation  on  eartl . 
This  reputation  has  been  of  great  service  in  protecting 
our  commerce,  and  commanding  respect  for  our  flag, 
throughout  the  world.  But  the  chief  benefit  of  th3 
war  was  the  development  of  our  internal  resource.', 
which,  after  all,  form  the  great  fountain  of  the  wealtl , 
strength,  and  permanence  of  a  nation.  Deprived  bv 
the  embargo,  the  non-intercourse  act,  and  the  ensuing 
hostilities,  of  all  foreign  importation  of  goods,  th<3 
American  people  were  compelled  to  supply  themselves 
by  their  own  industry  and  ingenuity,  with  those  arti 
cles  for  which  they  had  always  before  been  dependent 
on  their  transatlantic  neighbors.  Thus  was  laid  tho 
foundation  of  that  system  of  domestic  manufactures 
which  is  destined  to  make  the  United  States  the  great 
est  productive  mart  among  men,  and  to  bring  into  its 
lap  the  wealth  of  the  world. 


CHAPTER   V. 

MB.  ADAMS'  ARRIVAL  AT  ST.  PETERSBURG — HIS  LETTERS  TO  HIS 
SON  ON  THE  BIBLE HIS  RELIGIOUS  OPINIONS RUSSIA  OF 
FERS  MEDIATION  BETWEEN  GREAT  BRITAIN  AND  THE  UNITED 

STATES PROCEEDS    TO    GHENT    TO  NEGOTIATE  FOR    PEACE 

VISITS  PARIS APPOINTED  MINISTER  AT  ST.  JAMES ARRIVES 

IN    LONDON. 

MR.  ADAMS  arrived  at  St.  Petersburg,  as  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  from  the  United  States,  in  the  autumn 
of  1809.  Twenty-eight  years  before,  while  a  lad  of 
fourteen,  lie  was  at  the  same  place,  as  private  secre 
tary  to  Mr.  Dana,  the  American  Minister.  The  prom 
ising  boy  returned  to  the  northern  capital  a  mature 
man,  ripe  in  experience,  wisdom,  patriotism,  and  pre 
pared  to  serve  his  country  in  the  highest  walks  of 
diplomacy.  So  truly  had  the  far-seeing  Washington 
prophesied  in  1795  : — *'  I  shall  be  much  mistaken,  if, 
in  as  short  a  time  as  can  well  be  expected,  he  is  not 
found  at  the  head  of  the  diplomatic  corps,  be  the 
government  administered  by  whomsoever  the  people 
may  choose !" 

The  United  States,  though  but  little  known  in 
Russia  at  that  period,  was  still  looked  upon  with 
favor,  as  a  nation  destined,  in  due  time,  to  exert  a 


98  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

great  influence  upon  the  affairs  of  the  world.  Mr. 
Adams  was  received  with  marked  respect  at  the  Court 
of  St.  Petersburg.  His  familiarity  witli  the  French 
and  German  languages — the  former  the  diplomatic 
language  of  Europe — his  literary  acquirements,  hi? 
perfect  knowledge  of  the  political  relations  of  the, 
civilized  world,  his  plain  appearance,  and  republican 
simplicity  of  manners,  in  the  midst  of  the  gorgeou:? 
embassies  of  other  nations,  enabled  him  to  make  a 
striking  and  favorable  impression  on  the  Emperor 
Alexander  and  his  Court.  jThe  Emperor,  charmec 
by  his  varied  qualities,  admitted  him  to  terms  of  per 
sonal  intimacy  seldom  granted  to  the  most  favored 
individuals. 

During  his  residence  in  Russia,  the  death  of  Judg 
Gushing  caused  a  vacancy  on  the  bench  of  the  S& 
preme  Court  of  the  United  States.     President  Madison 
nominated    Mr.    Adams    to  the    distinguished    office. 
The  nomination  was  confirmed  by  the  Senate,  but  he 
declined  its  acceptance. 

A  circumstance  occurred  at  this  time,  which  attract 
ed  the  attention  of  Mr.  Adams.  The  Russian  Minister 
of  the  Interior,  then  advanced  in  years,  having  received 
many  valuable  presents  while  in  office,  became  troubled 
with  scruples  of  conscience,  in  regard  to  the  disposal 
he  should  make  of  them.  He  at  length  calculated  the 
value  of  all  his  gifts,  and  paid  the  sum  into  the  impe 
rial  treasury.  This  transaction  made  a  deep  impres 
sion  on  Mr.  Adams,  and  probably  led  him  to  tho 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  99 

resolution  of  never  accepting  gifts.  In  order  to  act 
with  that  freedom  of  bias  which  he  deemed  indispen 
sable  to  the  faithful  discharge  of  public  duty,  he  en 
deavored  to  avoid,  as  far  as  possible,  laying  himself 
under  obligations  to  any  man.  When  a  certain  book 
sailer  once  sent  him  an  elegant  copy  of  the  Scriptures, 
he  kept  the  book,  but  returned  its  full  equivalent  in 
money. 

While  sojourning  at  St.  Petersburg,  Mr.  Adams 
wrote  a  series  of  letters  to  a  son  at  school  in  Massa 
chusetts,  on  the  value  of  the  Bible,  and  the  importance 
of  its  daily  perusal.  Since  his  decease  they  have  been 
published  in  a  volume,  entitled  "  Letters  of  John 
Quincy  Adams  to  his  son,  on  the  Bible  and  its  teach 
ings."  "  Their  purpose  is  the  inculcation  of  a  love  and 
reverence  for  the  Holy  Scriptures,  and  a  delight  in 
their  perusal  and  study.  Throughout  his  long  life, 
Mr.  Adams  was  himself  a  daily  and  devout  reader  of 
the  Scriptures,  and  delighted  in  comparing  and  con 
sidering  them  in  the  various  languages  with  which  he 
was  familiar,  hoping  thereby  to  acquire  a  nicer  and 
clearer  appreciation  of  their  meaning.  The*  Bible  was 
emphatically  his  counsel  and  monitor  through  life,  and 
the  fruits  of  its  guidance  are  seen  in  the  unsullied 
character  which  he  bore,  through  the  turbid  waters  of 
political  contention,  to  his  final  earthly  rest.  Though 
long  and  fiercely  opposed  and  contemned  in  life,  he 
left  no  man  behind  him  who  would  wish  to  fix  a  stain 
on  the  name  he  has  inscribed  so  high  on  the  roll  of  his 


100  LIFE    OF    JOHN    GUINCY    ADAMS. 

country's  most  gifted  and  illustrious  sons.  The  intrin 
sic  value  of  these  letters,  their  familiar  and  lucid  style, 
their  profound  and  comprehensive  views,  their  candid 
and  reverent  spirit,  must  win  for  them  a  large  measure 
of  the  public  attention  and  esteem.  But,  apart  frorr 
even  this,  the  testimony  so  unconsciously  borne  by 
their  pure-minded  and  profoundly  learned  author,  to 
the  truth  and  excellence  of  the  Christian  faith  and 
records,  will  not  be  lightly  regarded.  It  is  no  slight 
testimonial  to  the  verity  and  worth  of  Christianity, 
that  in  all  ages  since  its  promulgation,  the  great  mass 
of  those  who  have  risen  to  eminence  by  their  profound 
wisdom,  integrity,  and  philanthropy,  have  recognized 
and  reverenced,  in  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  the  Son  of  the 
living  God.  To  the  names  of  Augustine,  Xavier, 
Fenelon,  Milton,  Newton,  Locke,  Lavater,  Howard, 
Chateaubriand,  and  their  thousands  of  compeers  in 
Christian  faith,  among  the  world's  wisest  and  noblest,  it 
is  not  without  pride  that  the  American  may  add,  from 
among  his  countrymen,  those  of  such  men  as  WASHING 
TON,  JAY,  PATRICK  HENRY,  and  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS."* 
Mr.  Adams  was  a  practical  Christian.  This  is 
proved  by  his  spotless  life,  his  strict  honesty  and  integ 
rity,  his  devotion  to  duty,  his  faithful  obedience  to  the 
dictates  of  conscience,  at  whatever  sacrifice,  his  rever 
ence  of  God,  of  Christ,  his  respect  for  religion  and  its 
institutions,  and  recognition  of  its  claims  and  responsi- 

*  Preface  to  "  Letters  of  John  Quincy  Adams  to  his  Son,  on  the 
Bible  and  its  Teachings." 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  101 

bilities.  Although  a  Unitarian*  in  his  belief  of  doc 
trines,  yet  he  was  no  sectarian.  In  religion,  as  in 
politics,  he  was  independent  of  parties.  He  would 
become  linked  to  no  sect  in  such  manner  as  to  prevent 
him  from  granting  his  countenance  and  assistance 
wherever  he  thought  proper.  He  was  a  frequent 
attendant  at  Presbyterian  and  Episcopalian  churches, 
and  was  liberal  in  his  contributions  to  these  and  other 
denominations ;  it  being  his  great  desire  to  aid  in 
building  up  Christianity,  and  not  a  sect. 

The  influence  which  Mr.  Adams  had  obtained  at 
St.  Petersburg,  with  the  Emperor  and  his  Court,  was 
turned  to  the  best  account.  It  laid  the  foundation  of 
those  amicable  relations  which  have  ever  character 
ized  the  intercourse  of  that  government  with  the 
United  States.  To  this  source,  also,  is  unquestionably  ^ 
to  be  attributed  the  offer,  by  the  Emperor  Alexander, 
of  mediation  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States.  This  offer  was  accepted  by  the  American 
Government,  and  Mr.  Adams,  in  connection  with 
Messrs.  Gallatin  and  Bayard,  was  appointed  by  the 
President  to  take  charge  of  the  negotiation.  The  lat 
ter  gentlemen  joined  Mr.  Adams  at  St.  Petersburg,  in 
July,  1813.  Conferences  were  held  by  the  Commis 
sioners  with  Count  Romanzoff,  the  Chancellor  of  the 
Russian  Empire,  with  a  view  to  open  negotiations. 
The  British  Government,  however,  refused  to  treat 

*  Mr.  Adams  was  a  member  of  the  Unitarian  Church,  in  Q,uincy 
Mass.,  at  his  death. 

E  7 


102  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

under  the  mediation  of  Russia  ;  but  proposed  at  the 
same  time  to  meet  American  Commissioners  either  at 
London  or  Gottenburg.  Messrs.  Gallatin  and  Bayarc. 
withdrew  from  St.  Petersburg  in  January,  1814,  leav 
ing  Mr.  Adams  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties  as  resi 
dent  Minister. 

The  proposition  of  the  British  Ministry  to  negotiate; 
for  peace,  at  London  or  Gottenburg,  was  accepted  by 
the  United  States.  Mr.  Adams  and  Messrs.  Bayard, 
Clay,  Russell,  and  Gallatin,  were  appointed  Commission 
ers,  and  directed  to  proceed  to  Gottenburg  for  that  pur 
pose.  Mr.  Adams  received  his  instructions  in  April, 
1814  ;  and  as  soon  as  preparations  for  departure  could 
be  made,  took  passage  for  Stockholm.  After  repeated 
delays,  on  account  of  the  difficulties  of  navigation  at 
that  early  season  in  the  northern  seas,  he  arrived  at 
that  city  on  the  25th  of  May.  Learning  there  that  the 
place  for  the  meeting  of  the  Commissioners  had  been 
changed  to  Ghent,  in  Belgium,  Mr.  Adams  proceeded 
to  Gottenburg.  From  thence  he  embarked  on  board 
an  American  sloop-of-war,  which  had  conveyed  Messrs. 
Clay  and  Russell  from  the  United  States,  and  landing 
at  Texel,  proceeded  immediately  to  Ghent,  where  he 
arrived  on  the  24th  of  June. 

In  the  ensuing  negotiation,  Mr.  Adams  was  placed 
at  the  head  of  the  American  Commissioners.  They 
were  men  of  unsurpassed  talents  and  skill,  in  whose 
hands  neither  the  welfare  nor  the  honor  of  the  United 
States  could  suffer.  In  conducting  this  negotiation, 


L[FE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  103 

they  exhibited  an  ability,  a  tact,  an  understanding  of 
international  law,  and  a  knowledge  of  the  best  interests 
of  their  country,  which  attracted  the  favorable  attention 
both  of  Europe  and  America.  Their  "  Notes "  with 
the  British  Commissioners,  exhibited  a  dignified  nvm- 
ness  and  manly  moderation,  with  a  power  of  argument, 
and  force  of  reasoning,  which  highly  elevated  their 
reputation,  and  that  of  their  country,  in  the  estimation 
of  European  statesmen.  The  Marquis  of  Wellesley 
declared  in  the  British  House  of  Lords,  that,  "in  his 
opinion  the  American  Commissioners  had  shown  the 
most  astonishing  superiority  over  the  British,  during 
the  whole  of  the  correspondence."  Their  despatches 
to  the  Government  at  home,  describing  and  explaining 
the  progress  of  the  negotiation  in  its  several  stages, 
gave  the  highest  satisfaction  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States.  It  was  declared  in  the  public  prints,  that  they 
sustained  the  honor  of  the  Union  as  ably  at  Ghent  as 
the  patriotism  and  bravery  of  its  defenders  had  been 
established  by  its  seamen  on  the  ocean,  and  its  troops 
in  their  battles  with  "  Wellington's  Invincibles."  A 
good  share  of  these  encomiums  of  right  belongs  to  Mr. 
Adams,  who,  from  his  knowledge  of  foreign  affairs, 
and  experience  in  diplomacy,  as  well  as  acknowledged 
talents,  took  a  leading  part  in  the  negotiations. 

The  American  commissioners  were  treated  with 
marks  of  highest  respect,  by  the  citizens  of  Ghent,  and 
the  public  authorities  of  that  town.  On  the  anniversary 
of  the  Academy  of  Sciences  and  Fine  Aits,  at  Ghent, 


104  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

they  were  unanimously  elected  members  of  the  institu 
tion,  and  were  invited  to  attend  and  unite  in  the  exer 
cises  of  the  occasion.  An  oration  on  the  objects  of  the 
institution  was  delivered.  In  the  evening,  a  sumptuous 
oanquet  was  served  up  to  a  numerous  company.  After 
the  removal  of  the  cloth,  among  the  toasts  given,  was 
the  following,  by  the  Intendant  of  Ghent : — 

"  Our  distinguished  guests  and  fellow-members,  the  American 
Ministers  :  May  they  succeed  in  making  an  honorable  peace,  to  se 
cure  the  liberty  and  independence  of  their  country." 

This  sentiment  was  received  with  immense  applause. 
The  band  struck  up  "  Hail  Columbia,"  and  the  com 
pany  was  filled  with  enthusiasm.  It  was  some  minutes 
before  the  tumult  sufficiently  subsided  to  admit  of  a 
response.  Mr.  Adams  then  arose,  and,  in  behalf  of  the 
American  Legation,  returned  thanks  for  the  very  flat 
tering  manner  in  which  they  had  been  treated  by  the 
municipality  of  Ghent,  and  particularly  for  the  unex 
pected  honor  conferred  upon  them  by  the  Academy. 
After  making  some  pertinent  remarks  on  the  importance 
and  usefulness  of  the  Fine  Arts,  he  concluded  by  offer 
ing  as  a  toast — "The  Intendant  of  the  city  of  Ghent." 

The  British  Commissioners  were  Lord  Gambler, 
Henry  Goulburn,  and  Win.  Adams.  The  negotiations 
opened  dubiously.  The  demands  of  the  British  Min 
isters  were  at  first  of  such  a  character,  that  it  was  im 
possible  to  comply  with  them,  with  any  regard  to  the 
honor  or  welfare  of  the  United  States.  They  insisted 
that  the  line  separating  the  United  States  from  the 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  105 

Canadas,  should  run  on  the  southern  borders  of  all  the 
lakes  from  Ontario  to  Superior — that  the  American 
Government  should  keep  no  armed  force  on  these  lakes, 
nor  maintain  any  military  posts  on  their  borders,  while 
the  British  should  have  the  privilege  of  establishing 
such  posts  wherever  they  thought  proper,  on  the 
southern  shores  of  the  lakes  and  connecting  rivers,  and 
maintaining  a  navy  on  their  waters — that  a  large  part 
of  the  district  of  Maine  should  be  relinquished  and  ceded 
to  England,  to  permit  a  direct  route  of  communication 
between  Halifax  and  Quebec — that  the  right  of  search 
should  be  granted  to  British  ships-of-war — together 
with  many  other  terms  equally  unacceptable. 

The  letters  of  the  American  Commissioners  to  the 
Government  at  home,  in  the  early  stages  of  the  pro 
ceedings,  were  couched  in  desponding  tones.  They 
gave  it  as  their  opinion  that  no  terms  of  peace  could  be 
agreed  upon.  But  the  demands  of  the  English  Pleni 
potentiaries  were  met  in  a  manner  so  decided,  and 
reasons  were  offered  for  non-compliance  so  cogent  and 
incontrovertible,  that  they  were  compelled  to  recede, 
and  come  to  terms  of  a  more  reasonable  description. 
Moreover  the  British  nation  was  heartily  sick  of  foreign 
wars,  which  plunged  the  Government  into  debt,  sacri 
ficed  the  lives  of  its  subjects,  crippled  their  manufac 
tories,  and  secured  them,  in  fact,  nothing !  At  length, 
after  a  protracted  negotiation  of  six  months,  articles  of 
peace  were  signed  by  the  British  and  American  Com 
missioners,  on  the  24th  of  December,  1814. 


106  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

The  announcement  of  this  event,  at  Ghent,  was  in  a 
manner  somewhat  peculiar.  Mr.  Todd,  one  of  the 
Secretaires  of  the  American  Commissioners,  and  son-in- 
law  of  President  Madison,  had  invited  several  gentlemen, 
Americans  and  others,  to  take  refreshments  with  him 
on  the2<th  of  December.  At  noon,  after  having  spent 
some  tirue  in  pleasant  conversation,  the  refreshments 
entered,  and  Mr.  Todd  said,— "  It  is  12  o'clock.  Well, 
gentlem<  n,  I  announce  to  you  that  peace  has  been 
made  an  i  signed  between  America  and  England."  In 
a  few  Moments,  Messrs.  Gallatin,  Clay,  Carroll  and 
Hughes  entered,  and  confirmed  the  annunciation. 
This  intelligence  was  received  with  a  burst  of  joy  by 
all  present.  The  news  soon  spread  through  the  town, 
and  gave  general  satisfaction  to  the  citizens. 

At  Paris,  the  intelligence  was  hailed  with  acclama 
tions.  In  the  evening  the  theatres  resounded  with  cries 
of  "  God  save  the  Americans." 

In  the  United  States  the  news  of  peace  spread  with 
the  speed  of  the  wind.  Everywhere  it  excited  the 
most  lively  emotions  of  joy.  Processions,  orations, 
bonfires,  illuminations,  attested  the  gratification  of 
the  people,  and  showed  that,  notwithstanding  the  gen 
eral  success  which  had  attended  our  arms,  they  viewed 
peace  as  one  of  the  highest  blessings  a  nation  can 
enjoy. 

Recognizing  in  this  important  event  the  hand  of  a 
wise  and  gracious  overruling  Providence,  the  hearts  of 
a  great  Christian  nation  turned  in  gratitude  toward 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QU1NCY    ADAMS.  107 

God.  President  Madison  issued  the  following  procla 
mation  for  a  day  of  thanksgiving  : — • 

"  The  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States  have,  by  a  joint  resolution,  signified 
their  desire  that  a  day  may  be  recommended,  to  be  ob 
served  by  the  people  of  the  United  States  with  reli 
gious  solemnity,  as  a  day  of  thanksgiving  and  of  de 
vout  acknowledgments  to  Almighty  God,  for  his  great 
goodness,  manifested  in  restoring  to  them  the  blessings 
of  peace. 

"  No  people  ought  to  feel  greater  obligations  to  cele 
brate  the  goodness  of  the  Great  Disposer  of  events, 
and  of  the  destiny  of  nations,  than  the  people  of  the 
United  States.  His  kind  providence  originally  con 
ducted  them  to  one  of  the  best  portions  of  the  dwelling- 
place  allowed  for  the  great  family  of  the  human  race. 
He  protected  and  cherished  them  under  all  the  difficul 
ties  and  trials  to  which  they  were  exposed  in  their 
early  days.  Under  his  fostering  care,  their  habits, 
their  sentiments  and  their  pursuits  prepared  them  for  a 
transition  in  due  time  to  a  state  of  independence  and 
self-government.  In  the  arduous  struggle  by  which  it 
was  attained,  they  were  distinguished  by  multiplied 
tokens  of  his  benign  interposition  During  the  interval 
which  succeeded,  he  reared  them  into  the  strength, 
and  endowed  them  with  the  resources,  which  have  en 
abled  them  to  asseri  their  national  rights,  and  to  en 
hance  their  national  character,  in  another  arduous  con 
flict,  which  is  now  Aappily  terminated  by  a  peace  and 


108  LIFE    OF    JOHN   QTJINCY    ADAMS. 

reconciliation  with  those  who  have  been  our  enemies 
And  to  the  same  Divine  Author  of  every  good  and  per 
feet  gift  we  are  indebted  for  all  those  privileges  and 
advantages,  religious  as  well  as  civil,  which  are  so 
richly  enjoyed  in  this  favored  land. 

"  It  is  for  blessings  such  as  these,  and  more  espe 
cially  for  the  restoration  of  the  blessings  of  peace,  that 
I  now  recommend  that  the  second  Thursday  in  April 
next,  be  set  apart  as  a  day  on  which  the  people  of  every 
religious  denomination  may  in  their  solemn  assemblies 
unite  their  hearts  and  their  voices,  in  a  free-will  offer- 
*ng,  to  their  Heavenly  Benefactor,  of  their  homage  of 
thanksgiving  and  their  songs  of  praise." 

Before  leaving  Ghent,  the  American  Commissioners 
gave  a  public  dinner  to  the  British  Ambassadors,  at 
which  the  Inlendant  of  Ghent,  and  numerous  staff  offi 
cers  of  the  Hanoverian  service,  were  present.  Every 
thing  indicated  that  the  most  perfect  reconciliation  had 
taken  place  between  the  two  nations.  Lord  Garnbier 
had  arisen  to  give,  as  the  first  toast,  "  The  United 
States  of  North  America,"  but  he  was  prevented  by 
the  courtesy  of  Mr.  Adams,  who  gave  "  His  Majesty, 
the  King  of  England" — on  which  the  music  struck  up 
"  God  save  the  King."  Lord  Gambier  gave  as  the 
second  toast,  "  The  United  States  of  North  America," 
and  the  music  played  "  Hail  Columbia."  Count  H 
Von  Sheinhuyer  presented  as  a  toast — "  The  Pacifica 
tors  of  the  States — May  their  union  contribute  to  the 
nappiness  of  the  Department  which  is  confided  to  mv 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  109 

government ;  and  may  their  Excellencies  communicate 
to  their  Governments  the  lively  interest  which  those 
under  me  take  in  their  reconciliation."  Mr.  Adams 
and  Lord  Gambier  both  begged  the  Intendant  to  certify 
to  the  city  of  Ghent  the  gratitude  of  the  Ministers,  for 
the  attention  which  the  inhabitants  had  shown  them 
during  their  residence  in  their  midst. 

Having  concluded  their  labors  at  Ghent  by  signing 
the  treaty  of  peace,  Mr.  Adams,  together  with  Messrs. 
Albert  Gallatin  and  Henry  Clay,  was  directed  to  pro 
ceed  to  London,  for  the  purpose  of  entering  into  nego 
tiations  for  a  treaty  of  commerce  with  Great  Britain. 
Before  leaving  the  continent,  Mr.  Adams  visited  Paris, 
where  he  witnessed  the  return  of  Napoleon  from  Elbe, 
and  his  meteoric  career  during  the  Hundred  Days. 
Here  he  was  joined  in  March.  1815,  by  his  family, 
after  a  long  and  perilous  journey  from  St.  Peters 
burg. 

On  the  25th  of  May,  Mr.  Adams  arrived  in  London 
and  joined  Messrs.  Gallatin  and  Clay,  who  had  already 
entered  upon  the  preliminaries  of  the  proposed  com 
mercial  convention  with  Great  Britain.  In  the  mean 
time,  Mr.  Adams  had  received  official  notice  of  his  ap 
pointment  as  Minister  to  the  Court  of  St.  James.  On 
the  3d  of  July,  1815,  the  convention  for  regulating  the 
commercial  intercourse  between  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain  was  concluded,  and  duly  signed.  It  was 
afterwards  ratified  by  both  Governments,  and  has 

formed  the  basis  of  commerce  and  trade  between  the 
E* 


110  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

two  countries,  to  the  present  time.  At  the  conclusion 
of  these  negotiations,  Messrs.  Gallatin  and  Clay  re 
turned  to  the  United  States,  and  Mr.  Adams  remained 
in  London,  in  his  capacity  as  resident  Minister. 

Thus  had  the  prediction  of  Washington  been  fu  - 
filled.  In  "  as  short  a  time  as  could  well  be  expected," 
John  Quincy  Adams,  as  the  well-merited  reward  of 
faithful  services,  had  attained  to  the  head  of  the  Diplo 
matic  Corps  of  the  United  States.  His  career  ha  1 
been  singularly  successful ;  and  his  elevation  to  th3 
highest  foreign  stations  received  the  general  approba 
tion  of  his  countrymen.  His  simple  habits,  his  plain 
appearance,  his  untiring  industry,  his  richly  stored 
mind,  his  unbending  integrity,  his  general  intercourse 
and  correspondence  with  foreign  courts  and  diploma 
tists  of  the  greatest  distinction,  all  tended  to  elevate,  in 
a  high  degree,  the  American  character,  in  the  estima 
tion  of  European  nations. 

The  impression  he  made  in  the  most  eminent  circles 
during  his  residence  in  London,  as  a  statesman  of  un 
surpassed  general  information,  and  critical  knowledge 
of  the  politics  of  the  world,  was  retained  for  years 
afterwards.  Mr.  Rush,  who  was  subsequently  Minis 
ter  to  Great  Britain,  in  an  account  of  a  dinner  party 
at  Lord  Castlereagh's,  notes  a  corroborating  incident : 
"  At  table,  I  had  on  my  left  the  Saxon  Minister,  Baron 
Just.  ******  He  inquired  of  me  for  Mr.  Adams, 
whom  he  had  known  well,  and  of  whom  he  spoke 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  11] 

highly.     He   said  that  he  knew  the  politics  of  all  Eu 
rope."* 

"  It  was  while  Mr.  Adams  was  Minister  of  the 
United  States  in  London,  that  it  was  my  personal 
good  fortune  to  be  admitted  to  his  intimacy  and  friend 
ship.  Being  then  in  London  on  private  business,  and 
having  some  previous  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Adams, 
I  found  in  his  house  an  ever  kind  welcome,  and  in  his 
intercourse  and  conversation  unfailing  attraction  and 
improvement.  Accustomed  as  he  had  been  from  ear 
liest  youth  to  the  society  of  the  most  eminent  persons 
in  Europe,  alike  in  station  and  in  ability,  Mr.  Adams 
never  lost  the  entire  simplicity  of  his  own  habits  and 
character.  Under  an  exterior  of,  at  times,  almost 
repulsive  coldness,  dwelt  a  heart  as  warm,  sympathies 
as  quick,  and  affections  as  overflowing,  as  ever  ani 
mated  any  bosom.  His  tastes,  too,  were  all  refined. 
Literature  and  art  were  familiar  and  dear  to  him,  and 
hence  it  was  that  his  society  was  at  once  so  agreeable 
and  so  improving.  At  his  hospitable  board,  I  have 
listened  to  disquisitions  from  his  lips  on  poetry,  espe 
cially  the  dramas  of  Shakspeare,  music,  painting,  sculp 
ture — of  rare  excellence,  and  untiring  interest.  The 
extent  of  his  knowledge,  indeed,  and  its  accuracy,  in 
all  branches,  were  not.  less  remarkable  than  the  com 
plete  command  which  he  appeared  to  possess  over  all 
his  varied  stores  of  learning  and  information.  A 
critical  scholar,  alike  in  the  dead  languages,  in  French, 
*  Rush's  Residence  at  the  Court  of  London. 


112  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

in  German,  in  Italian,  not  less  than  in  English — he 
could  draw  at  will  from  the  wealth  of  all  these  tongues 
to  illustrate  any  particular  topic,  or  to  explain  any 
apparent  difficulty.  There  was  no  literary  work  of 
merit  in  any  of  these  languages,  of  which  he  could  not 
render  a  satisfactory  account ;  there  was  no  fine  paint 
ing  or  statue,  of  which  he  did  not  know  the  details 
and  the  history  ;  there  was  not  even  an  opera,  or  a 
celebrated  musical  composer,  of  which  or  of  whom  he 
could  not  point  out  the  distinguishing  merits  and  the 
chief  compositions.  Yet  he  was  a  hard-working,  assid 
uous  man  of  business,  in  his  particular  vocation,  and  a 
more  regular,  punctual,  comprehensive,  voluminous 
diplomatic  correspondence  than  his  no  country  can 
probably  boast  of;  and  it  is  thought  the  more  neces 
sary  to  note  this  fact,  because  sometimes  an  opinion 
prevails  that  graver  pursuits  must  necessarily  exclude 
attention  to  what  used  to  be  called  the  "  humanities  " 
of  education — those  ornamental  and  graceful  acquire 
ments,  which,  as  Mr.  Adams  well  proved,  not  only 
are  not  inconsistent  with,  but  greatly  adorn,  the 
weightier  matters  of  the  law  and  of  diplomacy.  1 
could  dwell  with  much  satisfaction  upon  the  memory 
and  incidents  of  the  days  to  which  I  am  now  adverting, 
but  am  admonished,  by  the  length  to  which  these  re 
marks  have  already  extended,  that  I  may  not  loiter."* 

*  Eulogy  on  John  Q,uincy  Adams,  by  Charles  King. 


CHAPTER   VI. 

MR.    ADAMS     APPOINTED     SECRETARY     OF     STATE ARRIVES     13" 

THE    UNITED    STATES PUBLIC    DINXEHS    IN    NEW    YORK    AND 

BOSTON TAKES  UP  HIS  RESIDENCE  IN  WASHINGTON DE 
FENDS  GEN.  JACKSON  IN  THE  FLORIDA  INVASION RECOG 
NITION  OF  SOUTH  AMERICAN  INDEPENDENCE GREEK  REV 
OLUTION. 

JAMES  MADISON,  after  serving  his  country  eight 
years  as  President,  in  a  most  perilous  period  of  its 
history,  retired  to  private  life,  followed  by  the  respect 
and  gratitude  of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  He 
was  succeeded  by  James  Monroe,  who  was  inaugurated 
on  the  4th  of  March,  1817. 

Mr.  Monroe  was  a  politician  of  great  moderation. 
It  was  his  desire,  on  entering  the  presidency,  to  heal 
the  unhappy  dissensions  which  had  distracted  the 
country  from  the  commencement  of  its  government, 
and  conciliate  and  unite  the  conflicting  political  parties. 
In  forming  his  cabinet,  he  consulted  eminent  individ 
uals  of  different  parties,  in  various  sections  of  the 
Union,  expressing  these  views.  Among  others,  he  ad 
dressed  Gen.  Jackson,  who,  on  account  of  his  success 
ful  military  career,  was  then  rising  rapidly  into  public 
notice.  In  his  reply  the  general  remarked : — 


114  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

"  Everything  depends  on  the  selection  of  your  ministry.  In  every 
selection,  party  and  party  feeling  should  be  avoided.  Now  is  the 
time  to  exterminate  that  monster,  called  party  spirit.  By  selecting 
characters  most  conspicuous  for  their  probity,  virtue,  capacity,  and 
firmness,  without  any  regard  to  party,  you  will  go  far,  if  not  en 
tirely,  to  eradicate  those  feelings,  which  on  former  occasions,  threw 
so  many  obstacles  in  the  way  of  government,  and,  perhaps,  have  the 
pleasure  and  honor  of  uniting  a  people  heretofore  politically  divided. 
The  Chief  Magistrate  of  a  great  and  powerful  nation,  should  never 
indulge  in  party  feelings." 

Admirable  advice  !  Sentiments  worthy  an  exalted 
American  statesman !  The  President  of  a  vast 
Republic,  should  indeed  know  nothing  of  the  interest 
of  party  in  contradistinction  to  the  interest  of  the 
whole  people ;  and  should  exercise '  his  power,  his 
patronage,  and  his  influence,  not  to  strengthen  fac 
tions,  and  promote  the  designs  of  political  demagogues, 
but  to  develop  and  nourish  internal  resources,  the 
only  sinews  of  national  prosperity,  and  diffuse  abroad 
sentiments  of  true  patriotism,  liberality,  and  philan 
thropy.  No  suggestions  more  admirable  could  have 
been  made  by  Gen.  Jackson,  and  none  could  have 
been  more  worthy  the  consideration  of  Mr.  Monroe 
and  his  successors  in  the  presidential  chair. 

In  carrying  out  his  plans  of  conciliation,  President 
Monroe  selected  John  Quincy  Adams  for  the  respon 
sible  post  of  Secretary  of  State.  Mr.  Adams  had 
never  been  an  active  partizan.  In  his  caieer  as  Sen 
ator,  both  in  Massachusetts  and  in  Washington,  during 
Mr.  Jefferson's  administration,  he  had  satisfactorily 
demonstrated  his  ability  to  rise  above  party  considera- 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCE    ADAMS.  115 

tio^  i'n  the  discharge  of  great  and  important  duties. 
And  his  long  absence  from  the  country  had  kept  him 
free  from  personal,  party,  and  sectional  bias,  and  pecu 
liarly  fitted  him  to  take  the  first  station  in  the  cabinet 
of  a  President  aiming  to  unite  his  countrymen  in  fra 
ternal  bonds  of  political  amity. 

Referring  to  this  appointment,  Mr.  Monroe  wrote 
Gen.  Jackson  as  follows,  under  date  of  March  1, 
1817: — "I  shall  take  a  person  for  the  Department 
of  State  from  the  eastward ;  and  Mr.  Adams,  by  long 
service  in  our  diplomatic  concerns  appearing  to  be 
entitled  to  the  preference,  supported  by  his  ac 
knowledged  abilities  and  integrity,  his  nomination  will 
go  to  the  Senate."  Gen.  Jackson,  in  his  reply,  re 
marks  : — *•'  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  you  have 
made  the  best  selection  to  fill  the  Department  of  State 
that  could  be  made.  Mr.  Adams,  in  the  hour  of  diffi 
culty,  will  be  an  able  helpmate,  and  I  am  convinced 
his  appointment  will  afford  general  satisfaction."  This 
prediction  was  well  founded.  The  consummate  ability 
exhibited  by  Mr.  Adams  in  foreign  negotiations  had 
elevated  him  to  a  high  position  in  the  estimation  of  his 
countrymen.  His  selection  for  the  State  Department 
was  received  with  very  general  satisfaction  throughout 
the  Union. 

On  receiving  notice  of  his  appointment  to  this 
responsible  office,  Mr.  Adams,  with  his  family,  em 
barked  for  the  United  States,  on  board  the  packet-ship 


116  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

Washington,  and  landed  in  New  York  on  the  6th  of 
August,  1817. 

A  few  days  after  his  arrival,  a  public  dinner  was 
given  Mr.  Adams,  in  Tammany  Hall,  New  York. 
The  room  was  elegantly  decorated.  In  the  centre 
was  a  handsome  circle  of  oak  leaves,  roses,  and  flags — 
the  whole  representing,  with  much  effect,  our  happy 
Union — and  from  the  centre  of  which,  as  from  her 
native  woods,  appeared  our  eagle,  bearing  in  her  beak 
this  impressive  scroll : — 

"  Columbia,  great  Republic,  thou  art  blest, 
While  Empires  droop,  and  Monarchs  sink  to  rest." 

Gov.  De  Witt  Clinton,  the  Mayor  of  New  York, 
and  about  two  hundred  citizens  of  the  highest  respect 
ability,  sat  down  to  the  table.  Among  other  speeches 
made  on  the  occasion,  was  the  following  from  an 
English  gentleman,  a  Mr.  Fearon,  of  London  : — 

"  As  several  gentlemen  have  volunteered  songs,  I 
would  beg  leave  to  offer  a  sentiment,  which  I  am  sure 
will  meet  the  hearty  concurrence  of  all  present.  But, 
previous  to  which,  I  desire  to  express  the  high  satisfac 
tion  which  this  day's  entertainment  has  afforded  me. 
Though  a  native  of  Great  Britain,  and  but  a  few  days 
in  the  United  States,  I  am  for  the  first  time  in  my  life 
in  a  free  country,  surrounded  by  free  men  ;  and  when 
I  look  at  the  inscription  which  decorates  your  eagle,  1 
rejoice  that  I  have  been  destined  to  see  this  day.  A 
great  number  of  the  enlightened  portion  of  my  coim- 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  11.7 

trymen  advocate  your  cause — admire  your  principles. 
And  though  we  have,  unfortunately,  been  engaged  in 
a  war,  I  trust  the  result  has  taught  wisdom  to  both 
parties.  In  your  political  institutions  you  have  set  a 
noble  example,  which,  if  followed  throughout  the 
world,  will  rescue  mankind  from  the  dominion  of  those 
tyrants  who  jeer  at  the  destruction  which  they  pro 
duce — 

'  Like  the  moonbeams  on  the  blasted  heath, 
Hocking  its  desolation.' 

"Gentlemen,  in  conclusion,  I  beg  to  express  the 
delight  which  I  feel,  and  propose  to  you  as  a  toast — 
May  the  United  States  be  an  example  to  the  world  ; 
and  may  civil  and  religious  liberty  cover  the  earth,  as 
the  waters  do  the  channels  of  the  deep." 

A  public  dinner  was  also  given  Mr.  Adams  on  his 
arrival  in  Boston.  Mr.  Gray  presided,  and  Messrs. 
Otis,  Blake,  and  Mason,  acted  as  Vice  Presidents. 
His  father,  the  venerable  ex-President  John  Adams, 
was  present  as  a  guest.  Among  other  toasts  given  on 
the  occasion,  were  the  following  : — 

"  The  United  States. — May  our  public  officers,  abroad  and  at  home, 
continue  to  be  distinguished  for  integrity,  talents,  and  patriotism." 

"The  Commissioners  at  Ghent. — The  negotiations  for  peace 
have  been  declared,  in  the  British  House  of  Lords,  to  wear  the 
stamp  of  American  superiority." 

"  American  Manufactures. — A  sure  and  necessary  object  for  the 
Security  of  American  independence." 

This  occasion  must  have  been  one  of  great  interest 

8 


118  LIFE    OF    JOHN     QUINCY    ADAMS. 

lo  the  patriarch  John  Adams,  then  more  than  four 
score  years  of  age.  Nearly  forty  years  before,  he  had 
said  of  his  son  : — "  He  behaves  like  a  man  !"  Thai 
son,  in  the  prime  of  his  days,  had  recently  been  called 
from  foreign  service,  where  he  had  obtained  accumu 
lated  honors,  to  fill  the  highest  station  in  the  gift  of  the 
Executive  of  his  country.  The  people  of  two  conti 
nents  would  now  unite  with  the  venerable  sage,  in  re 
peating  the  declaration — "He  behaves  like  a  man!'' 
The  patriarch  stood  upon  the  verge  of  the  grave.  But 
as  the  sun  of  his  existence  was  gently  and  calmly  sink 
ing  beneath  the  horizon,  lo  !  its  beams  were  reflected 
in  their  pristine  brightness  by  another  orb,  born  from 
its  bosom,  which  was  steadily  ascending  to  the  zenith 
of  earthly  fame ! 

John  Quincy  Adams  took  up  his  residence  at  Wash 
ington,  and  entered  upon  his  duties  as  Secretary  of 
State,  in  September,  1817. 

During  the  eight  years  of  President  Monroe's  admin 
istration,  Mr.  Adams  discharged  the  duties  of  the  state 
department,  with  a  fidelity  and  success  which  received 
not  only  the  unqualified  approbation  of  the  President, 
but  of  the  whole  country.  To  him  that  office  was  no 
sinecure.  His  labors  were  incessant.  lie  spared  no 
pains  to  qualify  himself  to  discuss,  with  consummate 
skill,  whatever  topics  legitimately  claimed  his  attention. 
The  President,  the  cabinet,  the  people,  reposed  im 
plicit  trust  in  his  ability  to  promote  the  interests  of  the 
nation  in  all  matters  of  diplomacy,  and  confided  unre- 


LtFE    OF   JOHN    QtTINCY    ADAMS.  119 

servedly  in  his  pure  American  feelings  and  love  of 
country.  Perfectly  familiar  as  he  was  with  the  politi 
cal  condition  of  the  world,  Mr.  Monroe  entrusted  him, 
without  hesitation,  with  the  management  of  the  foreign 
policy  of  the  Government,  during  his  administration. 

In  the  autumn  of  1817,  the  Seminole  and  a  portion 
of  the  Creek  Indians  commenced  depredations  on  the 
frontiers  of  Georgia  and  Alabama.  Troops  were  sent 
to  reduce  them,  under  Gen.  Gaines.  His  force  being 
too  weak  to  bring  them  to  subjection,  Gen.  Jackson 
was  ordered  to  take  the  field  with  a  more  numerous 
army,  with  which  he  overran  the  Indian  country.  Be 
lieving  it  necessary  to  enter  Florida,  then  a  Spanish 
territory,  for  the  more  effectual  subjugation  of  the  In 
dians,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  pursue  them  thither.  The 
Spanish  authorities  protested  against  the  invasion  of 
their  domains,  and  offered  some  opposition.  Gen.  Jack 
son  persisted,  and  in  the  result,  took  possession  of  St. 
Marks  and  Pensacola,  and  sent  the  Spanish  authorities 
and  troops  to  Havana. 

Among  the  prisoners  taken  in  this  expedition,  were 
a  Scotchman  and  an  Englishman,  named  Arbuthnot 
and  Ambrister.  They  were  British  subjects,  but  were 
charged  with  supplying  the  Indians  with  arms  and 
munitions  of  war  ;  stirring  them  up  against  the  whites, 
and  acting  as  spies.  On  these  charges  they  were  tried 
by  a  court  martial,  of  which  Gen.  Gaines  was  Pres 
ident — found  guilty — condemned  to  death,  and  executed 
on  the  27th  of  April,  1818. 


120  LTFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

These  transactions  of  Gen.  Jackson  caused  great  ex 
citement  throughout  the  United  States,  and  subjected 
him  to  no  little  blame.  The  subject  excited  much  de 
bate  in  Congress.  A  resolution  censuring  him  for  hi* 
summary  proceedings  was  introduced,  but  voted  dowi 
by  a  large  majority.  In  Mr.  Monroe's  cabinet,  then; 
was  a  strong  feeling  against  Gen.  Jackson.  Th<; 
President,  and  all  the  members,  with  a  single  exception, 
were  disposed  to  hold  him  responsible  for  having  tran 
scended  his  orders.  Hon.  Wm.  H.  Crawford,  who  wa^ 
in  Mr.  Monroe's  cabinet  at  that  time,  in  a  letter  to  Mi. 
Forsyth,  says: — "Mr.  Calhoun's  proposition  in  tho 
cabinet  was,  that  Gen.  Jackson  should  be  punished  i  i 
some  form,  or  reprimanded  in  some  form." 

Mr.  Adams  alone  vindicated  Gen.  Jackson.  He  in 
sisted  that  inasmuch  as  the  Government  had  ordered 
him  to  pursue  the  enemy  into  Florida,  if  necessary,  they 
were  responsible  for  the  acts  of  the  American  general, 
in  the  exercise  of  the  discretionary  power  with  which 
he  had  been  clothed.  Several  cabinet  meetings  were 
held  on  the  subject,  in  July,  1818,  in  which  the  whole 
matter  was  thoroughly  discussed.  Mr.  Adams  suc 
ceeded  at  length  in  bringing  the  President  into  tlia 
adoption  of  his  views,  which  Mr.  Monroe  substantially 
embodied  in  his  next  annual  message  to  Congress. 

The  intelligence  of  the  execution  of  Arbuthnot  and 
Ambrister,  excited  the  highest  indignation  in  England. 
The  people  viewed  it  as  a  violation  of  the  rights  of 
British  subjects,  and  an  insult  to  their  nation,  and  were 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  121 

ready  to  rush  to  war.  Lord  Castlereagh  declared  to 
Mr.  Rush,  the  American  Minister,  that  had  the  English 
cabinet  but  held  up  a  finger,  war  would  have  been  de 
clared  against  the  United  States.  But  so  able  and 
convincing  were  the  arguments  which  Mr.  Adams 
directed  Mr.  Rush  to  lay  before  the  British  Ministers, 
in  defence  of  the  proceedings  of  Gen.  Jackson,  that 
they  became  convinced  there  was  no  just  cause  of  war 
between  the  two  countries,  and  exerted  their  influence 
against  any  movement  in  that  direction. 

On  the  22nd  of  February,  1819,  a  treaty  was  con 
eluded  at  Washington,  between  the  United  States  and 
^Spain,  by  which  East  and  West  Florida,  with  the  ad 
jacent  islands,  were  ceded  to  the  Union.  The  negotia 
tions  which  resulted  in  the  consummation  of  the  treaty, 
were  conducted  by  Mr.  Adams  and  Luis  de  Onis  the 
&p«H*iek  Ambassador.  This  treaty  was  very  advanta 
geous  to  the  United  States.  It  brought  to  a  close  a 
controversy  with  Spain,  of  many  years'  standing,  which 
had  defied  all  the  exertions  of  former  administrations 
to  adjust,  and  placed  our  relations  with  that  country 
on  the  most  amicable  footing.  In  effecting  this  recon 
ciliation,  Mr.  Adams  deserved  and  received  a  high 
share  of  credit. 

The  recognition  of  the  independence  of  the  Spanish 
South  American  Provinces,  by  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  took  place  during  Mr.  Adams's  admin 
istration  of  the  State  Department.  The  honor  of 
first  proposing  this  recognition,  in  the  Congress  of  the 


122  LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS. 

United  States,  and  of  advocating  it  with  unsurpassed 
eloquence  and  zeal,  belongs  to  the  patriotic  Henry 
Clay.  Mainly  by  his  influence,  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  in  1820,  passed  the  following  resolutions : — 

"  Resolved,  That  the  House  of  Representatives  participate  with 
the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  the  deep  interest  which  they  feel 
for  the  success  of  the  Spanish  Provinces  of  South  America,  which 
are  struggling  to  establish  their  liberty  and  independence. 

"  Resolved,  That  this  House  will  give  its  constitutional  support 
to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  whenever  he  may  deem  it  ex 
pedient  to  recognize  the  sovereignty  and  independence  of  any  of 
said  Provinces." 

Mr.  Adams  at  first  hesitated  on  this  subject.  Not 
that  he  was  opposed  to  the  diffusion  of  the  blessings  of 
freedom  to  the  oppressed.  No  man  was  a  more  ardent 
lover  of  liberty,  or  was  more  anxious  that  its  institu 
tions  should  be  established  throughout  the  earth,  at  the 
earliest  practicable  moment.  But  he  had  mnr^  nnd  se 
rious  doubts  whether  the  people  of  the  South  American 
Provinces  were  capable  of  originating  and  maintaining 
an  enlightened  self-government.  There  was  a  lack  of 
general  intelligence  among  the  people — a  want  of  an 
enlarged  and  enlightened  understanding  of  the  princi 
ples  of  rational  freedom — which  led  him  to  apprehend 
that  their  attempts  at  self-government  would  for  a  long 
season,  at  least,  result  in  the  reign  of  faction  and 
anarchy,  rather  than  true  republican  principles.  The 
subsequent  history  of  these  countries — the  divisions 
and  contentions,  the  revolutions  and  counter-revolu 
tions,  which  have  rent  them  asunder,  and  deluged 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS.  123 

them  in  blood — clearly  show  that  Mr.  Adams  but  exer 
cised  a  far-seeing  intelligence  in  entertaining  these 
doubts.  Nevertheless,  as  they  had  succeeded  in  throw- 

* 

ing  off  the  Spanish  yoke,  and  had,  in  fact,  achieved 

y 

their  independence,  Mr.  Adams  would  not  throw  any 
impediment  in  their  way.  Trusting  that  his  fears  as 
to  their  ability  for  self-government  might  be  ground 
less,  he  gave  his  influence  to  the  recognizing  of  their 
independence  by  the  United  States. 

In  1821  the  Greek  revolution  broke  out.  The  peo 
ple  of  that  classic  land,  after  enduring  ages  of  the  most 
brutal  and  humiliating  oppression  from  the  Turks, 
nobly  resolved  to  break  the  chains  of  the  Ottoman 
power,  or  perish  in  the  attempt.  The  war  was  long, 
and  sanguinary,  but  finally  resulted  in  the  emancipa 
tion  of  Greece,  and  the  establishment  of  its  independ 
ence  as  a  nation. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  could  not  wit 
ness  such  a  struggle  with  indifference.  A  spirit  of 
sympathy  ran  like  electricity  throughout  the  land. 
Public  meetings  were  held  in  nearly  every  populous 
town  in  the  Union,  in  which  resolutions,  encouraging 
the  Greeks  in  their  struggle,  were  passed,  and  contri 
butions  taken  up  to  aid  them.  Money,  clothing,  pro 
visions,  arms,  were  collected  in  immense  quantities  and 
shipped  to  Greece.  In  churches,  colleges,  academies 
and  schools — at  the  theatres,  museums,  and  other 
places  of  amusement  and  public  resort — aid  was  freely 
and  generously  given  in  behalf  of  the  struggling  pa- 


124  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

Iriots.  Many  citizens  of  the  United  States,  when  the 
first  blast  of  the  trumpet  of  liberty  rang  along  the  Ionian 
seas,  and  through  the  Peloponnesus,  sped  across  the 
ocean,  and,  throwing  themselves  into  the  midst  of  the 
Grecian  hosts,  contended  heroically  for  their  emanci 
pation.  Among  these  volunteers,  was  Col.  J.  P.  Mil 
ler,  of  Vermont,  who  not  only  gallantly  fought  in  the 
battles  of  Greece,  but  was  greatly  serviceable  in  con 
veying  supplies  from  the  United  States  to  that  strug 
gling  people. 

The  deep  sympathy  which  prevailed  in  every  section 
of  the  Union,  was  soon  felt  in  Congress.  Many  public 
men  were  anxious  that  the  Government  should  take 
some  important  and  decisive  step,  even  to  hostilities,  in 
behalf  of  Greece.  Eloquent  speeches  were  delivered  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  on  the  exciting  topic. 
Mr.  Clay  electrified  the  country  with  his  stirring 
appeals  in  behalf  of  the  land  in  which  was  established  the 
first  republic  on  earth.  Mr.  Webster  submitted  the  fol 
lowing  resolution  to  the  House  of  Representatives : — • 

"  Resolved,  That  provision  ought  to  be  made  by  law,  for  defray 
ing  the  expense  incident  to  the  appointment  of  an  Agent,  or  Com 
missioner,  to  Greece,  whenever  the  President  shall  deem  it  expedient 
to  make  such  appointment." 

In  support  of  this  resolution,  Mr.  Webster  made  a 
most  eloquent  speech,  of  which  the  following  is  the 
conclusion : — 

"  Mr.  Chairman — There  are  some  things  which,  to  be 
well  done,  must  be  promptly  done.  If  we  even  deter- 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  125 

mine  to  do  the  thing  that  is  now  proposed,  we  may  do 
it  too  late.  Sir,  I  am  not  of  those  who  are  for  with 
holding  aid  when  it  is  most  urgently  needed,  and  when 
the  stress  is  past,  and  the  aid  no  longer  necessary,  over 
whelming  the  sufferers  with  caresses.  I  will  not  stand 
by  and  see  my  fellow-man  drowning,  without  stretch 
ing  out  a  hand  to  help  him,  till  he  has,  by  his  own 
efforts  and  presence  of  mind,  reached  the  shore  in 
safety,  and  then  encumber  him  with  aid.  With  suffer 
ing  Greece,  now  is  the  crisis  of  her  fate — her  great,  it 
may  be  her  last  struggle.  Sir,  while  we  sit  here  de 
liberating,  her  destiny  may  be  decided.  The  Greeks, 
contending  with  ruthless  oppressors,  turn  their  eyes  to 
us,  and  invoke  us,  by  their  ancestors,  by  their  slaugh 
tered  wives  and  children,  by  their  own  blood  poured 
out  like  water,  by  the  hecatombs  of  dead  they  have 
heaped  up,  as  it  were,  to  heaven ;  they  invoke,  they 
implore  from  us  some  cheering  sound,  some  look  of 
sympathy,  some  token  of  compassionate  regard.  They 
look  to  us  as  the  great  Republic  of  the  earth — and  they 
ask  us,  by  our  common  faith,  whether  we  can  forget 
that  they  are  struggling,  as  we  once  struggled,  for  what 
we  now  so  happily  enjoy  ?  I  cannot  say,  sir,  they  will 
succeed  ;  that  rests  with  heaven.  But,  for  myself,  sir, 
if  I  should  to-morrow  hear  that  they  have  failed — that 
their  last  phalanx  had  sunk  beneath  the  Turkish  cime- 
tar,  that  the  flames  of  their  last  city  had  sunk  in  its 
ashes,  and  that  nought  remained  but  the  wide,  melan 
choly  waste  where  Greece  once  was — I  should  still  a- 
F 


126  LIFE    OF    JOHN    ClUINCY    ADAMS. 

fleet,  with  the  most  heartfelt  satisfaction,  that  I  have 
asked  you,  in  the  name  of  seven  millions  of  freemen, 
that  you  would  give  them,  at  least,  the  cheering  of  one 
friendly  voice." 

The  committee  having  in  charge  the  raising  of  a 
fund  for  the  assistance  of  the  Greeks,  in  New  York, 
addressed  a  circular  to  the  venerable  ex-President  John 
Adams,  to  which  they  received  the  following  reply  : — 

"Quincy,  Dec.  29,  1823. 

"  GENTLEMEN: — I  have  received  your  circular  of  the  12th  inst, 
and  I  thank  you  for  the  honor  you  have  done  me  in  addressing  it  to 
me.  Be  assured  my  heart  beats  in  unison  with  yours,  and  with 
those  of  your  constituents,  and  I  presume  with  all  the  really  civil 
ized  part  of  mankind,  in  sympathy  with  the  Greeks,  suffering,  as  they 
are,  in  the  great  cause  of  liberty  and  humanity.  The  gentlemen 
of  Boston  have  taken  measures  to  procure  a  general  subscription  in 
their  favor,  through  the  State,  and  I  shall  contribute  my  mite  with 
great  pleasure.  In  the  meantime  I  wish  you,  and  all  other  gentlemen 
engaged  in  the  virtuous  work,  all  the  success  you  or  they  can  wish  ; 
for  I  believe  no  effort  in  favor  of  virtue  will  be  ultimately  lost. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Gentlemen,  your  very  humble  Servant, 

"JOHN  ADAMS." 

The  sympathies  of  John  Quincy  Adams  were  ar 
dently  enlisted  in  behalf  of  the  Greek  Revolution.  But 
with  a  prudence  and  wisdom  which  characterized  all 
his  acts,  he  threw  his  influence  against  any  direct  in 
terference  on  the  part  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States.  It  would  have  been  a  departure  from  that 
neutral  policy,  in  regard  to  European  conflicts,  on 
which  the  country  had  acted  from  the  commencement 
of  our  national  existence,  alike  injurious  and  dangerous. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    Q.UINCY    ADAMS.  127 

He  knew  if  we  once  entered  into  these  wars,  on  any 
pretext  whatever,  a  door  would  be  opened  for  foreign 
entanglements  and  endless  conflicts,  which  would  re 
sult  in  standing  armies,  immense  national  debts,  and  the 
long  trail  of  evils  of  which  they  are  the  prolific  source. 
When  an  application  wras  made  to  Mr.  Adams,  as 
Secretary  of  State,  through  Mr.  Rush,  our  Minister  at 
London,  by  an  Agent  of  Greece,  for  aid  from  the 
United  States,  he  was  compelled,  on  principles  above 
stated,  to  withhold  the  required  assistance.  The  cor 
respondence  which  grew  out  of  this  application  is  suf- 
ficientlv  interesting  to  find  a  place  in  these  pages  : — 

"  Andreas  Luriottis,  Envoy  of  the  Provisional  Government  of 
Greece,  to  the  Hon.  John  Quincy  Adams,  Secretary  of  State  t* 
the  United  States  of  America. 

SIR  : — I  feel  no  slight  emotion,  while,  in  behalf  of  Greece,  my 

ouvmtrj-,   oti-viggUr^g-   fox-   Ii»JoporiJor»oo     o-nd     liberty,    I    ucldrooo    mytiolf 

to  the  United  States  of  America. 

"  The  independence  for  which  we  combat,  you  have  achieved. 
The  liberty  to  which  we  look,  with  anxious  solicitude,  you  have  ob 
tained,  and  consolidated  in  peace  and  in  glory. 

"  Yet  Greece,  old  Greece,  the  seat  of  early  civilization  and  free 
dom,  stretches  out  her  hands,  imploringly,  to  a  land  which  sprung 
into  being,  as  it  were,  ages  after  her  own  lustre  had  been  extin 
guished  !  and  ventures  to  hope  that  the  youngest  and  most  vigorous 
sons  of  liberty,  will  regard,  with  no  common  sympathy,  the  efforts 
of  the  descendants  of  the  heir  and  the  elder  born,  whose  precepts 
and  whose  example  have  served — though  insufficient,  hitherto,  for 
our  complete  regeneration — to  regenerate  half  a  world. 

"  I  know,  Sir,  that  the  sympathies  of  the  generous  people  of  the 
United  States  have  been  extensively  directed  towards  us;  and 
since  I  have  reached  this  country,  an  interview  with  their  Minister, 
Mr.  Rush,  has  served  to  convince  me  more  slrongly,  how  great  their 


128  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QU1NCY    ADAMS. 

claim  is  on  our  gratitude  and  our  affection.  May  I  hope  that  some 
means  may  be  found  to  communicate  these  our  feelings,  of  which 
I  am  so  proud  to  be  the  organ  ?  We  will  still  venture  to  rely  on 
their  friendship.  We  would  look  to  their  individual,  if  not  to  their 
national,  co-operation.  Every,  the  slightest,  assistance  under  present 
circumstances,  will  aid  the  progress  of  the  great  work  of  liberty  ; 
and  if,  standing,  as  we  have  stood,  alone  and  unsupported,  with 
everything  opposed  to  us,  and  nothing  to  encourage  us  but  patriot 
ism,  enthusiasm,  and  sometimes  even  despair :  if  thus  we  have 
gone  forward,  liberating  our  provinces,  one  after  another,  and  sub 
duing  every  force  which  has  been  directed  against  us,  what  may 
we  not  do  with  the  assistance  for  which  we  venture  to  appeal  to  the 
generous  and  the  free  ? 

"  Precipitated  by  circumstances  into  that  struggle  for  independ 
ence,  which,  ever  since  the  domination  of  our  cruel  and  reckless 
tyrants,  had  never  ceased  to  be  the  object  of  our  vows  and  prayers, 
we  have,  by  the  blessing  of  God,  freed  a  considerable  part  of  Greece 
from  the  ruthless  invaders.  The  Peloponnesus,  Etolia,  Carmania, 
Attica,  Phocida,  Boetia,  and  the  Islands  of  the  Archipelago  and 
Candia,  are  nearly  free.  The  armies  and  the  fleets  which  have 
been  sent  against  us,  have  been  subdued  by  the  valor  of  our  troops 
and  our  marine.  Meanwhile  we  have  organized  a  government, 

fnnnrlofl    npnn    pnpiilsrr   suflVngna  •    nnrl  y-v«  will  prnhahly  liouo  coon 

how  closely  our  organic  law  assimilates  to  that  constitution  under 
which  your  nation  so  happily  and  so  securely  lives. 

"  I  have  been  sent  hither  by  the  government  of  Greece,  to  obtain 
assistance  in  our  determined  enterprize,  on  which  we,  like  you,  have 
staked  our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our  sacred  honor :  and  I  believe 
my  journey  has  not  been  wholly  without  success.  I  should  have 
been  wanting  to  my  duty  had  I  not  addressed  you,  supplicating  the 
earliest  display  of  your  amiable  purposes ;  entreating  that  diplo 
matic  relations  may  be  established  between  us  ;  communicating  the 
most  earnest  desire  of  my  government  that  we  may  be  allowed  to 
call  you  allies  as  well  as  friends  ;  and  stating  that  we  shall  rejoice 
to  enter  upon  discussions  which  may  lead  to  immediate  and  advan 
tageous  treaties,  and  to  receive  diplomatic  agents  without  delay. 
Both  at  Madrid  and  at  Lisbon,  I  have  been  received  with  great  kind 
ness  by  the  American  Representative,  and  am  pleased  to  record  the 
expression  of  my  gratitude. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  129 

"  Though,  fortunately,  you  are  so  far  removed,  and  raised  so  much 
above  the  narrow  politics  of  Europe  as  to  be  little  influenced  by 
their  vicissitudes,  I  venture  to  believe  that  Mr.  Rush  will  explain 
to  you  the  changes  which  have  taken  place,  and  are  still  in  action 
around  us,  in  our  favor.  And  I  conclude,  rejoicing  in  the  hope 
that  North  America  and  Greece  may  be  united  in  the  bonds  of  long- 
enduring,  and  unbroken  concord  :  and  have  the  honor  to  be,  with 
every  sentiment  of  respect,  your  obedient  humble  servant. 

"  AND.  LURIOTTIS. 

« London,  February  20,  1823." 


MR.   ADAMS    TO   MR.    RUSH. 

c  "  Department  of  Slate, 

\  Washington,  I8ih  August,  1823. 

"  SIR  : — I  have  the  honor  of  inclosing,  herewith,  an  answer  to 
the  letter  from  Mr.  Luriottis,  the  Agent  of  the  Greeks  addressed 
to  me,  and  a  copy  of  which  was  transmitted  with  your  dispatch 
No.  295. 

"  If,  upon  the  receipt  of  this  letter,  Mr.  Luriottis  should  still  be 
in  London,  it  will  be  desirable  that  you  should  deliver  it  to  him  in 
person,  accompanied  with  such  remarks  and  explanations  as  may 
satisfy  him,  and  those  whom  he  represents,  that,  in  declining  the 
proposal  of  giving  active  aid  to  the  cause  of  Grecian  emancipation, 
the  Executive  Government  of  the  United  States  has  been  governed 
not  by  its  inclinations,  or  a  sentiment  of  indifference  to  the  cause, 
but  by  its  constitutional  duties,  clear  and  unequivocal. 

"  The  United  States  could  give  assistance  to  the  Greeks,  only  by 
the  application  of  some  portion  of  their  public  forces  or  of  their 
public  revenue  in  their  favor,  which  would  constitute  them  in  a  state 
of  war  with  the  Ottoman  Porte,  and  perhaps  with  all  the  Barbary 
powers.  To  make  this  disposal  either  of  force  or  of  treasure,  you 
are  aware  is,  by  our  constitution,  not  within  the  competency  of  the 
Executive.  It  could  be  determined  only  by  an  act  of  Congress, 
which  would  assuredly  not  be  adopted,  should  it  even  be  recom 
mended  by  the  Executive. 

"  The  policy  of  the  United  States,  with  reference  to  foreign 
nations,  has  always  been  founded  upon  the  moral  principle  of  natun 
law — Peace  with  all  mankind.  From  whatever  cause  war  between 

6* 


130  LIFE    OF    JOHN    ClUINCY    ADAMS. 

other  nations,  whether  foreign  or  domestic,  has  arisen,  the  unvary 
ing  law  of  the  United  States  has  been  peace  with  both  belligerents. 
From  the  first  war  of  the  French  Revolution,  to  the  recent  invasion 
of  Spain,  there  has  been  a  succession  of  wars,  national  and  civil,  in 
almost  every  one  of  which  one  of  the  parties  was  contending  for 
liberty  or  independence.  In  the  first  French  revolutionary  war,  a 
strong  impulse  of  feeling  urged  the  people  of  the  United  States  to 
take  side  with  the  party  which,  at  its  commencement,  was  contend 
ing,  apparently,  at  least,  for  both.  Had  the  policy  of  the  United 
States  not  been  essentially  pacific,  a  stronger  case  to  claim  their 
interference  could  scarcely  have  been  presented.  They  neverthe 
less  declared  themselves  neutral,  and  the  principle,  then  deliberately 
settled,  has  been  invariably  adhered  to  ever  since. 

"  With  regard  to  the  recognition  of  sovereign  States,  and  the  es 
tablishment  with  them  of  a  diplomatic  intercourse,  the  experience 
of  the  last  thirty  years  has  served  also  to  ascertain  the  limits  proper 
for  the  application  of  principles  in  which  every  nation  must  exer 
cise  some  latitude  of  discretion.  Precluded  by  their  neutral  posi 
tion  from  interfering  in  the  question  of  right,  the  United  States 
have  recognized  the  fact  of  foreign  sovereignty  only  when  it  was 
undisputed,  or  disputed  without  any  rational  prospect  of  success. 
In  this  manner  the  successive  changes  of  government  in  many  of 
the  European  states,  and  the  revolutionary  governments  of  South 
America,  have  been  acknowledged.  The  condition  of  the  Greeks 
is  not  yet  such  as  will  admit  of  their  recognition,  upon  these 
principles. 

"  Yet,  as  we  cherish  the  most  friendly  feelings  towards  them,  and 
are  sincerely  disposed  to  render  them  any  service  which  may  be 
compatible  with  our  neutrality,  it  will  give  us  pleasure  to  learn, 
from  time  to  time,  the  actual  state  of  their  cause,  political  and 
military.  Should  Mr.  Luriottis  be  enabled  and  disposed  to  furnish 
this  information,  it  may  always  be  communicated  through  you,  and 
will  be  received  with  satisfaction  here.  The  public  accounts  from 
that  quarter  have  been  of  late  very  scanty,  and  we  shall  be  glad  to 
obtain  any  authentic  particulars,  which  may  come  to  your  knowl- 
from  this,  or  through  any  other  channel. 

"  I  am  with  great  respect,  Sir,  your  very  humble  and  obedien 
servant,  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS." 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QU1NCY    ADAMS.  131 


MR.    ADAMS    TO   MR.    LUR1OTTIS. 

I          "  Department  of  State, 

(    Washington,  ISlh  August,  1823. 

"  Sir :  A  copy  of  the  letter  which  you  did  me  the  honor  of  ad 
dressing  to  me,  on  the  20th  of  February  last,  has  been  transmitted 
to  me  by  the  Minister  of  the  United  States  at  London,  and  has  re 
ceived  the  deliberate  consideration  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States. 

**  The  sentiments  with  which  he  has  witnessed  the  struggles  of 
your  countrymen  for  their  national  emancipation  and  independence, 
had  been  made  manifest  to  the  world  in  a  public  message  to  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States.  They  are  cordially  felt  by  the  peo 
ple  of  this  Union  ;  who,  sympathizing  with  the  cause  of  freedom 
and  independence  wherever  its  standard  is  unfurled,  behold  with  pe 
culiar  interest  the  display  of  Grecian  energy  in  defence  of  Grecian 
liberties,  and  the  association  of  heroic  exertions,  at  the  present  time, 
with  the  proudest  glories  of  former  ages,  in  the  land  of  Epaminondas 
and  Philopoemon. 

"  But  while  cheering  with  their  best  wishes  the  cause  of  the 
Greeks,  the  United  States  are  forbidden,  by  the  duties  of  their  situ 
ation,  from  taking  part  in  the  war,  to  which  their  relation  is  that 
of  neutrality.  At  peace  themselves  with  all  the  world,  their  estab 
lished  policy,  and  the  obligations  of  the  laws  of  nations,  preclude 
them  from  becoming  voluntary  auxiliaries  to  a  cause  which  would 
involve  them  in  war. 

"  If  in  the  progress  of  events  the  Greeks  should  be  enabled  to 
establish  and  organize  themselves  as  an  independent  nation,  th» 
United  States  will  be  among  the  first  to  welcome  them,  in  that  ca 
pacity,  into  the  general  family  ;  to  establish  diplomatic  and  commer 
cial  relations  with  them,  suited  to  the  mutual  interests  of  the  two 
countries ;  and  to  recognize,  with  special  satisfaction,  their  consti 
tuted  state  in  the  character  of  a  sister  Republic. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  distinguished  consideration,  Sir, 
your  very  humble  and  obedient  servant, 

"  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS." 

The  sentiments,  in  regard  to  th«  foreign  policy  <f 


132  LIFE    OF    JOHN   GIU1NCY    ADAMS. 

our  Government,  which  Mr.  Adams  embodies  in  this 
correspondence,  he  had  previously  expressed  in  an  ora 
tion  delivered  in  the  city  of  Washington,  on  the  4th  of 
July,  1821,  of  which  the  following  is  an  extract: — 

"America,  in  the  assembly  of  nations,  since  her  ad 
mission  among  them,  has  invariably,  though  often  fruit 
lessly,  held  forth  to  them  the  hand  of  honest  friendship, 
of  equal  freedom,  of  generous  reciprocity ;  she  h  is 
uniformly  spoken  among  them,  though  often  to  heed 
less,  and  often  to  disdainful  ears,  the  language  of  equal 
liberty,  of  equal  justice,  and  equal  rights  ;  she  has,  n 
the  lapse  of  nearly  half  a  century,  without  a  single  ex 
ception,  respected  the  independence  of  other  nations 
while  asserting  and  maintaining  her  own  ;  she  has  ab 
stained  from  interference  in  the  concerns  of  others, 
even  when  the  conflict  has  been  for  principles  to  which 
she  clings  as  to  the  last  vital  drop  that  visits  the  heart. 
She  has  seen  that  probably  for  centuries  to  come  all 
the  contests  of  that  Aceldama,  the  European  world, 
will  be  contests  of  inveterate  power  and  emerging 
right.  Wherever  the  standard  of  freedom  and  inde 
pendence  has  been  or  shall  be  unfurled,  there  will  her 
heart,  her  benedictions,  and  her  prayers  be.  But  she 
goes  not  abroad  in  search  of  monsters  to  destroy.  S!K) 
is  the  well-wisher  to  the  freedom  and  independence 
of  all — she  is  the  champion  and  vindicator  only  of  her 
own.  She  will  recommend  the  general  cause,  by  the 
countenance  of  her  voice,  and  the  benignant  sympathy 
of  her  example  : — she  well  knows  that  by  once  enlisting 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  133 

under  other  banners  than  her  own,  were  they  even  the 
banners  of  foreign  independence,  she  would  involve 
herself  beyond  the  power  of  extrication,  in  all  the  wars 
of  interest  and  intrigue,  of  individual  avarice,  envy 
and  ambition,  which  assume  the  colors,  and  usurp  the 
standard  of  freedom.  The  fundamental  maxims  of  her 
policy  would  insensibly  change  from  liberty  to  force  ; 
the  frontlet  on  her  brow  would  no  longer  beam  with 
the  ineffable  splendor  of  freedom  and  independence ; 
but  in  its  stead  would  soon  be  substituted  an  imperial 
diadem,  flashing  in  false  and  tarnished  lustre,  the  murky 
radiance  of  dominion  and  power.  She  might  become 
the  dictatress  of  the  world :  she  would  be  no  longer 
the  ruler  of  her  own  spirit." 

During  Mr.  Adams's  occupancy  of  the  state  depart 
ment,  efforts  were  made  by  the  American  Government 
to  abolish  the  African  slave  trade,  and  procure  its  de 
nunciation  as  piracy,  by  the  civilized  world.  On  the 
28th  of  Feb.,  1823,  the  following  resolution  was 
adopted  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  at  Wash 
ington,  by  a  vote  of  131  to  9  : — 

"  Resolved,  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be  requested 
to  enter  upon  and  to  prosecute,  from  time  to  time,  such  negotiations 
with  the  several  maratime  powers  of  Europe  and  America,  as  he 
may  deem  expedient  for  the  effectual  abolition  of  the  African  slave 
trade,  and  its  ultimate  denunciation  as  piracy,  under  the  law  of 
nations,  by  the  consent  of  the  civilized  world." 

In  compliance  with  this  resolution,  Mr.  Adams,  as 

Secretary  of  State,  issued  directions  to  the  American 
jf*  9 


134  LIFE    OF    JOHN    CiUINCY    ADAMS. 

Ministers  :n  Spain,  Russia,  the  Netherlands,  Colombia, 
and  Buenos  Ayres,  to  enter  into  negotiations  with  the 
Governments  of  these  countries  on  this  subject.  Mr. 
Adams  also  maintained  an  able  correspondence  with 
the  Hon.  Stratford  Canning,  the  British  Minister  at 
Washington,  in  relation  to  the  basis  on  which  a  treaty 
should  be  formed  with  Great  Britain  for  the  suppres 
sion  of  the  foreign  slave  trade. 

Mr.  Rush,  the  American  Minister  at  the  Court  of 
St.  James,  was  directed  to  enter  upon  negotiations  in 
London,  to  this  end.  His  instructions  were  written 
by  Mr.  Adams,  with  his  usual  sound  judgment  and  en 
larged  views  of  national  policy,  and  the  claims  of  hu 
manity.  The  convention  was  in  due  time  completed, 
and  signed  by  the  Plenipotentiaries  of  both  nations,  on 
the  13th  of  March,  1824,  and  was  sent  by  Mr.  Rusli  to 
Washington  for  ratification.  Mr.  Monroe  and  Mr. 
Adams  were  ready  to  give  it  their  sanction  ;  but  the 
Senate  insisted  on  striking  out  a  provision  in  the  first 
article.  The  article  commenced  as  follows  : — 

"  The  commanders  and  commissioned  officers  of  each  of  the  two 
high  contracting  parties,  duly  authorized,  under  the  regulations  and 
instructions  of  their  respective  Governments,  to  cruise  on  the  coasts 
of  Africa,  of  America,  and  of  the  West  Indies,  for  the  suppression 
of  the  slave  trade,  shall  be  empowered,  under  the  conditions,  lim 
itations,  and  restrictions  hereinafter  specified,"  &c. 

The  Senate  struck  out  the  words  "of  America." 
This  amendment  the  British  Government  would  not 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  135 

assent  to.  Thus  the  negotiation  on  the  slave  trade,  so 
near  a  consummation,  fell  to  the  ground. 

Mr.  Monroe's  administration  closed  on  the  3rd  of 
March,  1825.  It  was  a  period  of  uninterrupted  pros 
perity  to  the  country.  Our  foreign  commerce,  recover 
ing  from  the  paralysis  caused  by  the  embargo,  the  non- 
intercourse  act,  and  the  war,  spread  forth  its  wings 
and  whitened  every  sea  and  ocean  on  the  globe.  The 
domestic  condition  of  the  Union  was  thriving  beyond 
the  precedent  of  many  former  years.  Improvements 
in  agriculture  were  developed;  domestic  manufac 
tures  received  a  fair  protection  and  encouragement ; 
internal  improvements,  gaining  more  and  more  the  at 
tention  and  confidence  of  the  people,  had  been  prose 
cuted  to  the  evident  benefit  of  all  branches  of  business 
and  enterprize. 

Another  characteristic  of  the  administration  of  Mr. 
Monroe  is  worthy  of  note.  So  judiciously  and  pa 
triotically  had  he  exercised  the  powers  entrusted  to 
him,  that  he  disarmed  opposition.  Divisions,  jealousies 
and  contentions  were  destroyed,  and  a  thorough  fusion 
of  all  political  parties  took  place.  At  his  re-election 
for  the  second  term  of  the  presidency,  there  was  no 
opposing  candidate.  There  was  but  one  party,  and 
that  was  the  great  party  of  the  American  people.  His 
election  was  unanimous. 

In  all  these  measures,  Mr.  Adams  was  the  coadjutor 
and  confidential  adviser  of  Mr.  Monroe.  It  is  no  der 
ogation  from  the  well-merited  reputation  of  the  latter 


136  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

to  say,  that  many  of  the  most  striking  and  praiseworthy 
features  of  his  administration  were  enstamped  upon 
it  by  the  labor  and  influence  of  the  former.  His  suc 
cess  in  maturing  and  carrying  into  execution  his  most 
popular  measures  must  be  attributed,  in  no  small  ex 
tent,  to  the  ability  and  faithfulness  of  his  eminent 
Secretary  of  State.  And  the  historian  may  tnaly  re 
cord  that  to  John  Quincy  Adams,  in  an  eminent  legree, 
belongs  a  portion  of  the  honor  and  credit  whir  a  have 
been  so  generally  accorded  to  the  administr*  ion  of 
James  Monroe. 


CHAPTER   VII. 

MR.    ADAMS'     NOMINATION   TO   THE   PRESIDENCY  —  SPIRITED 
PRESIDENTIAL   CAMPAIGN NO    CHOICE  BY  THE   PEOPLE 

ELECTION    GOES    TO    THE    HOUSE    OF    REPRESENTATIVES MR. 

ADAMS     ELECTED      PRESIDENT HIS     INAUGURATION FORMS 

HIS    CABINET. 

JAMES  MONROE  was  the  last  of  the  illustrious  line  of 
Presidents  whose  claims  to  that  eminent  station  dated 
back  to  the  revolution.  A  grateful  people  had  con 
ferred  the  highest  honors  in  their  gift  upon  the  most 
conspicuous  of  those  patriots  who  had  faithfully  served 
them  in  that  perilous  struggle,  and  aided  in  construct 
ing  and  consolidating  the  union  of  these  States.  This 
debt  punctually  and  honorably  discharged,  they  looked 
to  another  generation,  possessing  claims  of  a  different 
description,  for  servants  to  elevate  to  the  dignity  of 
the  presidential  chair. 

In  the  midst  of  a  large  class  of  public  men  who  had 
in  the  mean  time  become  conspicuous  for  talents  and 
services  of  various  descriptions,  it  is  no  matter  of  sur 
prise  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  should 
entertain  a  diversity  of  opinions  in  regard  to  the  most 
suitable  individual  to  fill  a  station  which  had  hitherto 
been  occupied  by  men  whose  virtues  and  whose  patriot- 


138  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

ism  had  shed  the  brightest  lustre  on  the  American  name 
and  character  throughout  the  world.  Candidates  for 
the  presidency  were  nominated  in  various  sections  of 
the  Union.  The  eastern  States  turned  their  eyes 
instinctively  towards  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS,  as  one, 
among  all  the  eminent  competitors,  the  most  fitted,  by 
character  and  services,  for  the  office  of  President  of 
the  United  States.  The  members  of  the  Legislature 
of  Maine  resolved — • 

"  That  the  splendid  talents  and  incorruptible  integrity  of  JOHN 
QUINCY  ADAMS,  his  republican  habits  and  principles,  distinguished 
public  services,  and  extensive  knowledge  of,  and  devoted  attachment 
to,  the  vital  interests  of  the  country,  justly  entitle  him  to  the  first 
honors  in  the  gift  of  an  enlightened  and  grateful  people." 

The  republican  members  of  the  Massachusetts 
Legislature  adopted  the  following  resolutions  : — 

"  Resolved,  That  the  ability,  experience,  integrity  and  patriotism 
of  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  ;  his  manly  efforts  to  defend  the  principles 
of  that  government  under  which,  in  God's  providence,  we  hope  to 
die  ;  his  unshaken  fortitude  and  resolution  in  all  political  exigencies ; 
his  long,  faithful,  and  valuable  services,  under  the  patronage  of  all 
the  Presidents  of  the  United  States,  present  him  to  the  people  of  this 
nation,  as  a  man  eminently  qualified  to  subserve  the  best  interests 
of  his  country,  and  as  a  statesman  without  reproach. 

"  Resolved,  That  a  man  who  has  given  such  continued  and  indu 
bitable  pledges  of  his  patriotism  and  capacity,  may  be  safely  placed 
at  the  head  of  this  nation.  Every  impulse  of  his  heart,  and  every 
dictate  of  his  mind,  must  unite  promptly  in  the  support  of  the  inter 
ests,  the  honor,  and  the  liberty  of  his  country. 

"  Resolved,  That  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  is  hereby  recommended  by 
us  to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  as  the  most  suitable  candidate 
for  the  office  of  President,  at  the  approaching  election." 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  139 

A  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Rhode  Island  passed 
£>e  following  among  other  resolutions  : — 

"  Resolved,  That,  although  we  duly  acknowledge  the  talents  and 
public  services  of  all  the  candidates  for  the  presidency,  we  have  the 
fullest  confidence  in  the  acknowledged  ahility,  integrity  and  experi 
ence  of  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS,  the  accomplished  scholar,  the  true 
republican,  the  enlightened  statesman,  and  the  honest  man  and  we 
are  desirous  that  his  merits  should  be  rewarded  with  the  first  offic* 
in  the  gift  of  the  people  of  the  United  States — that  his  future  ser 
vices  may  continue  unto  us  those  blessings  which,  under  the  present 
administration  of  the  General  Government,  we  have  so  abundantly 
enjoyed." 

These  were  high  encomiums.  But  who  among  the 
American  people,  now  that  the  patriot  has  departed 
from  earth,  can  survey  his  life,  his  character,  and  his 
services,  and  not  acknowledge  they  were  justly  and 
richly  deserved  ?  Similar  resolutions  \vere  passed  in 
all  the  eastern  and  many  of  the  northern  States. 

The  west  brought  forward  HENRY  CLAY,  one  of  the 
most  popular  orators  and  eminent  statesman  of  the  day. 
Gen.  JACKSON,  who  had  earned  a  splendid  military  rep 
utation,  was  nominated  in  the  southwest,  and  WM.  H. 
CRAWFORD  was  selected  as  the  candidate  representing 
the  southern  portion  of  the  confederacy.  These  were 
all  men  of  eminence  and  of  acknowledged  talents. 
They  were  worthy  competitors  for  the  highest  honors 
of  the  Republic. 

The  friends  of  Mr.  Adams  rested  his  claims  for  the 
presidency  on  no  factitious  qualities.  They  urged 
that  his  characteristics  were  such  as  to  commend  hinc 


140  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

to  the  confidence  of  every  true  republican  and  weif- 
wisher  of  his  country.  While  his  attainments  were 
not  of  the  showy  and  popular  cast  possessed  by  many 
public  men,  they  yet  were  of  that  solid,  practical  and 
valuable  desc  Iption  which  must  ever  receive  the  sanc 
tion  of  intelligent  and  reflecting  minds. 

The  qualifications  on  which  his  supporters  depended, 
and  to  which  they  called  the  attention  of  the  American 
people,  as  reasons  for  elevating  him  to  the  head  of  the 
General  Government,  may  be  summarily  enumerated 
as  follows  :— 1.  The  purity  of  his  private  character— 
the  simplicity"bf  his  personal  habits — his  unbending  in 
tegrity  and  uprightness,  even  beyond  suspicion.  2.  His 
commanding  talents,  and  his  acquirements  both  as  a 
scholar  and  a  statesman.  3.  His  love  of  country — his 
truly  American  feelings,  in  all  that  concerned  the  wel 
fare  and  honor  of  the  United  States.  4.  His  long 
experience  in  public  affairs,  especially  his  familiarity 
with  our  foreign  relations,  and  his  perfect  knowledge  of 
the  institutions,  the  internal  condition  and  policy  of 
European  nations.  5.  His  advocacy  of  protection  to 
domestic  manufactures,  and  of  a  judicious  system  ot 
internal  improvements. 

In  regard  to  internal  improvements  by  the  General 
Government,  there  was  a  difference  of  opinion  between 
Mr.  Adams  and  President  Monroe.  The  latter  was 
strongly  impressed  with  the  beneficial  tendency  of  a 
well-digested  system  of  internal  improvements  ;  but  he 
believed  the  constitution  conferred  no  power  on  Con 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS.  141 

gress  to  make  appropriations  for  such  a  purpose.  It 
was  in  this  view  of  the  subject  that  he  vetoed  a  bill 
which  assumed  the  right  to  adopt  and  execute  such  a 
system,  passed  by  Congress  during  the  session  of 
1820-21.  But  anxious  that  internal  improvements, 
confined  to  great  national  purposes,  and  with  proper 
/imitations,  should  be  prosecuted,  he  suggested  that  an 
amendment  of  the  constitution  to  that  effect  should  be 
recommended  to  the  several  States. 

Mr.  Adams,  however,  had  no  doubts  that  Congress 
already  possessed  a  constitutional  power  to  prosecute 
such  internal  improvements  as  were  of  a  national 
character,  and  calculated  to  benefit  the  Union,  and  to 
levy  duties  for  the  protection  of  domestic  manufactures. 
During  his  entire  political  career  he  had  deemed  these 
to  be  two  great  points  toward  which  the  American 
Government  and  people  should  turn  their  especial  at 
tention  ;  and  he  ever  gave  them  his  faithful  advocacy 
and  support.  With  consummate  wisdom,  he  foresaw 
that  the  more  completely  our  internal  resources  were 
developed,  and  the  less  dependent  we  were  on  foreign 
powers,  the  greater  would  be  our  public  and  private 
prosperity.  He  insisted  that  by  an  adequate  protection 
of  domestic  manufactures,  there  would  be  an  increased 
demand  for  our  raw  materials  at  home,  and  thus  the 
several  productive  and  manufacturing  sections  of  the 
Republic  would  realize  the  benefits  of  a  dependence  on 
each  other,  and  the  Union  would  be  consolidated  and 
perpetuated  for  ages  to  come. 


142  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

While  a  candidate  for  the  presidency,  Mr.  Adams 
received  a  letter  inquiring  his  views  on  the  subject  of 
internal  improvement.  The  following  is  an  extract 
from  his  reply  : — 

"  On  the  23rd  of  Feb.,  1807, 1  offered,  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States,  of  which  I  was  then  a  memher,  the  first  resolution,  as  I 
believe,  that  ever  was  presented  to  Congress,  contemplating  a  gen 
eral  system  of  internal  improvement.  I  thought  that  Congress  pos 
sessed  the  power  of  appropriating  money  to  such  improvement,  anl 
of  authorizing  the  works  necessary  for  making  it — subject  always 
to  the  territorial  rights  of  the  several  States  in  or  through  which  the 
improvement  is  to  be  made,  to  be  secured  by  the  consent  of  their 
Legislatures,  and  to  proprietary  rights  of  individuals,  to  be  pur 
chased  or  indemnified.  I  still  hold  the  same  opinions  ;  and,  although 
highly  respecting  the  purity  of  intention  of  those  who  object,  on 
constitutional  grounds,  to  the  exercise  of  this  power,  it  is  with 
heartfelt  satisfaction  that  I  perceive  those  objections  gradually  yield 
ing  to  the  paramount  influence  of  the  general  welfare.  Already 
have  appropriations  of  money  to  great  objects  of  internal  improve 
ment  been  freely  made ;  and  I  hope  we  shall  both  live  to  see  tha 
day,  when  the  only  question  of  our  statesmen  and  patriots,  con 
cerning  the  authority  of  Congress  to  improve,  by  public  works  es 
sentially  beneficent,  and  beyond  the  means  of  less  than  national  re 
sources,  the  condition  of  our  common  country,  will  be  how  it  ever 
could  have  been  doubted." 

On  another  occasion,  Mr.  Adams  expressed  himself 
on  the  subject  of  internal  improvements  in  the  follow 
ing  manner : — 

"  The  question  of  the  power  of  Congress  to  authorize  the  making 
of  internal  improvements,  is,  in  other  words,  a  question  whether  the 
people  of  this  Union,  in  forming  their  common  social  compact,  as 
avowedly  for  the  purpose  of  promoting  their  general  welfare,  have 
performed  their  work  in  a  manner  so  ineffably  stupid  as  to  deny 
themselves  the  means  of  bettering  their  own  condition.  I  have  too 
much  respect  for  the  intellect  of  my  country  to  believe  it.  The 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  143 

first  object  of  human  association  is  the  improvement  of  the  condition 
of  the  associated.  Roads  and  canals  are  among  the  most  essential 
means  of  improving  the  condition  of  nations.  And  a  people  which 
should  deliberately,  by  the  organization  of  its  authorized  power,  de 
prive  itself  of  the  faculty  of  multiplying  its  own  blessings,  would 
be  as  wise  as  a  creator  who  should  undertake  to  constitute  a  human 
being  without  a  heart." 

In  addition  to  other  claims,  the  friends  of  Mr.  Adams 
urged  his  elevation  to  the  presidency  on  the  ground 
of  locality.  During  the  thirty-six  years  which  had 
passed  since  the  adoption  of  the  constitution,  the  Gen 
eral  Government  had  been  administered  but  four  years 
by  a  northern  President.  It  was  insisted  with  much 
force  that  the  southern  portion  of  the  Republic  had  thus 
far  exerted  a  disproportionate  influence  in  the  execu 
tive  department  of  the  nation.  While  the  north, 
although  far  the  most  populous,  and  contributing  much 
the  largest  portion  of  the  means  for  defraying  the  na 
tional  expenditures,  would  not  claim  to  monopolize  an 
undue  degree  of  power  in  controlling  the  measures  of 
administration,  yet  it  could  justly  insist  that  its  demands 
for  an  equitable  share  of  influence  should  be  heeded. 
These  suggestions  unquestionably  possessed  a  weight 
in  the  minds  of  the  people,  favorable  to  the  prospects 
of  Mr.  Adams. 

The  Presidential  campaign  of  1824,  was  more  spir 
ited  and  exciting  than  any  that  had  taken  place  since 
the  first  election  of  Mr.  Jefferson.  It  was  novel  in 
the  number  of  candidates  presented  foi  the  suffrages  of 


144  LIFE    OF    IOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS. 

the  people,  and  was  conducted  with  great  zeal  ard 
vigor  by  the  friends  of  the  different  aspirants.  Strict  y 
speaking,  it  could  not  be  called  a  party  contest.  Mr. 
Monroe's  wise  and  prudent  administration  had  obliter 
ated  party  lines,  and  left  a  very  general  unanimity  of 
sentiment  on  political  principles  and  measures,  through 
out  the  Union.  '  The  various  candidates — Adams,  Jac  c- 
son,  Clay,  Crawford — all  subscribed,  substantially,  to  the 
same  political  creed,  and  entertained  similar  views  us 
to  the  principles  on  which  the  General  Government 
should  be  administered.  The  struggle  was  a  person.il 
and  sectional  one,  more  than  of  a  party  nature. 

It  had  long  been  foreseen  that  a  choice  of  President 
would  not  be  effected  by  the  people.  The  result  veri 
fied  this  prediction.  Of  two  hundred  and  sixty-one 
electoral  votes,  Gen.  Jackson  received  ninety-nine, 
Mr.  Adams  eighty-four,  Mr.  Crawford  forty-one,  and 
Mr.  Clay  thirty-seven.  Neither  of  the  candidates  hav 
ing  received  a  majority  in  the  electoral  colleges,  the 
election  devolved  on  the  House  of  Representatives. 
This  took  place  on  the  9th  of  Feb.,  1825. 

On  the  morning  of  that  day,  the  House  met  at  an 
earlier  hour  than  usual.  The  galleries,  the  lobbies,  and 
the  adjacent  apartments,  were  filled  to  overflowing  with 
spectators  from  every  part  of  the  Union  to  witness  the 
momentous  event.  It  was  a  scene  the  most  sublime 
that  could  be  witnessed  on  earth.  The  Representatives 
of  the  People,  in  the  exercise  of  the  highest  right  of 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS.  145 

freemen,  were  about  to  select  a  citizen  to  administer 
the  Government  of  a  great  Republic. 

All  the  members  of  the  House  were  present,  with 
the  exception  of  one,  who  was  confined  by  indisposi 
tion.  The  Speaker  (Henry  Clay)  took  his  chair,  and 
the  ordinary  business  of  the  morning  was  attended  to 
in  the  usual  manner.  At  12  o'clock,  precisely,  the 
members  of  the  Senate  entered  the  hall,  preceded  by 
their  Sergeant-at-arms,  and  having  the  President  of 
the  Senate  at  their  head,  who  was  invited  to  a  seat  on 
the  right  hand  of  the  Speaker.  The  Senators  were 
assigned  seats  in  front  of  the  Speaker's  chair. 

The  President  of  the  Senate  (Mr.  Gaillard)  then 
rose,  and  stated  that  the  certificates  forwarded  by  the 
electors  from  each  State  would  be  delivered  to  the 
Tellers.  Mr.  Tazewell  of  the  Senate,  and  Messrs. 
John  W.  Taylor  and  Philip  P.  Barbour  on  the  part  of  the 
House,  took  their  places,  as  Tellers,  at  the  Clerk's  table. 
The  President  of  the  Senate  then  opened  two  packets, 
one  received  by  messenger  and  the  other  by  mail,  con 
taining  the  certificates  of  the  votes  of  the  State  of 
New  Hampshire.  One  of  these  certificates  \vas  then 
read  by  Mr.  Tazewell,  while  the  other  was  compared 
with  it  by  Messrs.  Taylor  and  Barbour.  The  whole 
having  been  read,  and  the  votes  of  New  Hampshire 
declared,  they  were  set  down  by  the  Clerks  of  the  Sen 
ate  and  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  seated  at 
different  tables.  Thus  the  certificates  from  all  the 
States  were  gone  through  with.  At  the  conclusion, 


146  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

the  Tellers  left,  the  Clerk's  tables,  and,  presenting  them 
selves  in  front  of  the  Speaker,  Mr.  Tazewell  delivered 
their  report  of  the  votes  given. 

The  President  of  the  Senate  then  rose,  and  declared 
that  no  person  had  received  a  majority  of  the  votes 
given  for  President  of  the  United  States  :  that  Andrew 
Jackson,  John  Quincy  Adams,  and  William  H.  Crav- 
ford,  were  the  three  persons  who  had  received  tie 
highest  number  of  votes ;  and  that  the  remaining  du 
ties  in  the  choice  of  a  President  now  devolved  on  tl  e 
House  of  Representatives.  He  further  declared,  that 
John  C.  Calhoun  of  South  Carolina,  having  received 
182  votes,  was  duly  elected  Vice  President  of  tie 
United  States,  to  serve  four  years  from  the  4th  cf 
March  next.  The  members  of  the  Senate  then  re 
tired. 

The  Speaker  directed  the  roll  of  the  House  to  be 
called  by  States,  and  the  members  of  the  respective 
delegations  to  take  their  seats  in  the  order  in  which  the 
States  should  be  called,  beginning  at  the  right  hand  of 
the  Speaker.  The  delegations  took  their  seats  accord 
ingly.  Ballot-boxes  were  distributed  to  each  delega 
tion,  by  the  Sergeant-at-arms,  and  the  Speaker  directed 
that  the  balloting  should  proceed.  The  ballots  having 
all  been  deposited  in  the  boxes,  Tellers  were  named  by 
the  respective  delegations,  being  one  from  each  State, 
who  took  therr  seats  at  two  tables. 

Mr.  Webster  of  Massachusetts  was  appointed  by 
those  Tellers  who  sat  at  one  table,  and  Mr.  Randolph 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS.  147 

of  Virginia  by  those  at  the  other,  to  announce  the 
result.  After  the  ballots  were  counted  out,  Mr. 
Webster  rose,  and  said  : — 

"  Mr.  Speaker :  The  Tellers  of  the  votes  at  this 
table  have  proceeded  to  count  the  ballots  contained 
in  the  boxes  set  before  them.  The  result  they  find  to 
be,  that  there  are  for  John  Quincy  Adams,  of  Mas 
sachusetts,  thirteen  votes  ;  for  Andrew  Jackson,  of 
Tennessee,  seven  votes ;  for  William  H.  Crawford, 
of  Georgia,  four  votes." 

Mr.  Randolph,  from  the  other  table,  made  a  state 
ment  corresponding  with  that  of  Mr.  Webster. 

The  Speaker  then  stated  this  result  to  the  House, 
and  announced  that  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS,  having  a 
majority  of  the  votes  of  these  United  States,  was  duly 
elected  President  of  the  same,  for  four  years,  com 
mencing  on  the  4th  day  of  March,  1825. 

A  committee  was  appointecT~To~  \vait  upon  Mr. 
Adams,  and  announce  to  him  the  result  of  the  election, 
of  which  Mr.  Webster  was  chairman.  On  performing 
jhis  duty,  they  received  from  Mr.  Adams  the  following 
reply  :— 

GENTLEMEN  : — In  receiving  tnis  testimonial  from  the  Representa 
tives  of  the  People  and  States  of  this  Union,  I  am  deeply  sensible 
of  the  circumstances  under  which  it  has  been  given.  All  my  pre 
decessors  have  been  honored  with  majorities  of  the  electoral  voices, 
in  the  primary  colleges.  It  has  been  my  fortune  to  be  placed,  by 
the  divisions  of  sentiment  prevailing  among  our  countrymen  on 
this  occasion,  in  competition,  friendly  and  honorable,  with  three  of 
my  fellow-citizens,  all  justly  enjoying,  in  eminent  degrees,  the  public 
favor ;  and  of  whose  wnr*h.  talents  and  services  no  one  entertain* 


148  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QTJINCY    ADAMS. 

a  higher  and  more  respectful  sense  than  myself.  The  names  cf 
two  of  them  were,  in  the  fulfilment  of  the  provisions  of  the  con 
stitution,  presented  to  the  selection  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
in  concurrence  with  my  own, — names  closely  associated  with  tl  e 
glory  of  the  nation,  and  one  of  them  farther  recommended  by  a 
larger  majority  of  the  primary  electoral  suffrages  than  mine. 

In  this  state  of  things,  could  my  refusal  to  accept  the  trust  tin  s 
delegated  to  me  give  an  opportunity  to  the  people  to  form,  and  o 
express,  with  a  nearer  approach  to  unanimity,  the  object  of  their 
preference,  I  should  not  hesitate  to  decline  the  acceptance  of  this 
eminent  charge,  and  to  submit  the  deciJon  of  this  momentous  ques 
tion  again  to  their  determination.  But  the  constitution  itself  h;is 
not  so  disposed  of  the  contingency  which  would  arise  in  the  event 
of  my  refusal.  I  shall,  therefore,  repair  to  the  post  assigned  me  by 
the  call  of  my  country,  signified  through  her  constitutional  organs ; 
oppressed  with  the  magnitude  of  the  task  before  me,  but  checn  d 
with  the  hope  of  that  generous  support  from  my  fellow-citizen 3, 
which,  in  the  vicissitudes  of  a  life  devoted  to  their  service,  h;  s 
never  failed  to  sustain  me  — confident  in  the  trust,  that  the  wisdom 
of  the  legislative  councils  will  guide  and  direct  me  in  the  path  cf 
my  official  duty  ;  and  relying,  above  all,  upon  the  superintending 
providence  of  that  Being  ':  in  whose  hands  our  breath  is,  and  whose 
are  all  our  ways." 

"  Gentlemen,  I  pray  you  to  make  acceptable  to  the  House,  the 
assurance  of  my  profound  gratitude  for  their  confidence,  and  to  ac 
cept  yourselves  my  thanks  for  the  friendly  terms  in  which  you  have 
communicated  to  me  their  decision." 


The  diffidence  manifested  by  Mr.  Adams  in  accep'- 
ing  the  office  of  President,  under  the  peculiar  circum 
stances  of  his  election,  and  his  wish,  if  it  were  possible, 
to  submit  his  claims  again  to  the  people,  were  unques 
tionably  uttered  with  great  sincerity  of  heart.  He 
was  the  choice  of  but  a  minority,  as  expressed  in  the 
electoral  vote ;  and  in  accordance  with  his  republican 
principles  and  feelings,  he  would  have  preferred  another 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    CttJINCY    ADAMS.  149 

expression  of  public  opinion.  But  the  constitution 
made  no  provision  for  such  an  arbitrament.  He  must 
eithe**  serve  or  resign.  In  the  latter  case,  the  Vice 
President  would  have  discharged  the  duties  of  Presi 
dent  during  the  term.  Mr.  Adams  had  no  alternative, 
therefore,  but  to  accept  the  office,  agreeably  to  the 
terms  of  the  constitution.  Had  either  of  his  competi 
tors  been  elected  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  they 
would  have  been,  as  he  was,  a  minority  President. 
Notwithstanding  Gen.  Jackson  received  fifteen  more 
electoral  votes  than  Mr.  Adams,  yet  it  is  believed  that 
in  the  primary  assemblies  the  latter  obtained  a  greater 
number  of  the  actual  votes  of  the  people  than  the 
former. 

"Although  Gen.  Jackson  had  a  plurality  in  the  nom 
inal  returns  from  the  electoral  colleges,  the  question  is, 
whether  he  had  a  plurality  in  the  popular  votes  of  the 
States.  In  North  Carolina,  the  Crawford  men  had  a 
great  plurality  over  either  of  the  Jackson  and  Adams 
sections  ;  but  the  two  latter  joining  their  forces,  gave 
the  electoral  vote  of  the  State,  it  being  fifteen,  to  Gen. 
Jackson.  Deduct  this  from  Gen.  Jackson's  plurality — 
as  it  should  be,  if  the  principle  of  plurality  is  to  gov 
ern — and  it  leaves  him  eighty-four,  the  same  as  the 
vote  of  Mr.  Adams.  But  Mr.  Adams  had  a  great 
plurality  of  the  popular  vote  of  New  York,  and  on 
this  principle  should  be  credited  the  entire  thirty-six 
votes  of  that  State,  whereas,  he  received  only  twenty- 
six.  This  adjustment  would  carry  Mr.  Adams  up  to 
G  1° 


150  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

ninety-four,  and  leave  Gen.  Jackson  with  eighty-four 
Besides,  the  popular  majorities  for  Mr.  Adams  in  the 
six  New  England  States  were  greatly  in  excess  of 
the  Jackson  majorities  in  the  eight  States  which  gave 
their  vote  for  him  ;  which  largely  augments  Mr. 
Adams'  aggregate  plurality  in  the  Union  over  Gen. 
Jackson's.  Then  deduct  the  constitutional  allowance 
for  the  slave  vote  in  the  slave  States,  as  given  by  their 
masters.  It  will  not  be  pretended  that  this  is  a  popular 
vote,  though  constitutional.  Gen.  Jackson  obtained 
fifty-five  electoral  votes,  more  than  half  his  entire  vote, 
and  Mr.  Adams  only  six  from  slave  States.  It  will 
therefore  be  seen,  that  on  the  principle  of  a  popular 
plurality,  carried  out,  and  carried  through,  (it  ought 
not  to  stop  for  the  advantage  of  one  party,)  Mr. 
Adams,  in  the  election  of  1824,  was  FAR  AHEAD  of  Gen. 
Jackson."* 

On  the  the  4th  of  March,  1825,  JohnQuincy  Adams 
was  inaugurated  as  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  took  the  executive  chair,  which  had  been  entered 
twenty-eight  years  before  by  his  venerated  father. 
The  declaration  of  that  father  in  reference  to  the  son, 
when  a  lad — "  He  behaves  like  a  man  !" — had  gathered 
strength  and  meaning  in  the  lapse  of  years.  The  people 
of  the  American  republic,  taqght  by  a  long  series  of 
faithful  and  eminent  services,  in  :he  fulfilment  of  the 

*  Colton's  Life  and  Times  of  Henry  Clay. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QU1NCY    ADAMS.  151 

prophetic  words,  placed  him  in  a  position  the  most 
elevated  and  honorable,  the  most  worthy  the  aim  of  a 
pure  and  patriotic  ambition,  that  earth  can  afford  ! 

The  scene  at  the  inauguration  was  splendid  and 
imposing.  At  an  early  hour  of  the  day  the  avenues 
leading  to  the  capitol  presented  an  animated  spectacle. 
Crowds  of  citizens  on  foot,  in  carriages,  and  on  horse 
back,  were  hastening  to  the  great  centre  of  attraction. 
Strains  of  martial  music,  and  the  movements  of  the 
various  military  corps,  heightened  the  excitement. 

At  12  o'clock,  the  military  escort,  consisting  of  gen 
eral  and  staff  officers,  and  several  voluntter  companies, 
received  the  President  elect  at  his  residence,  together 
with  President  Monroe,  and  several  officers  of  govern 
ment.  The  procession,  led  by  the  cavalry,  and  accom 
panied  by  an  immense  concourse  of  citizens,  proceeded 
to  the  capitol,  where  it  \vas  received,  with  military 
honors,  by  the  U.  S.  Marine  Corps  under  Col.  Hen 
derson. 

Meanwhile  the  hall  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
presented  a  brilliant  spectacle.  The  galleries  and  the 
lobbies  were  crowded  with  spectators.  The  sofas  be 
tween  the  columns,  the  bar,  the  promenade  in  the  rear 
of  the  Speaker's  chair,  and  the  three  outer  rows  of  the 
members'  seats,  were  occupied  by  a  splendid  array  of 
beauty  and  fashion.  On  the  left,  the  Diplomatic  Corps, 
in  the  costume  of  their  respective  Courts,  occupied  the 
place  assigned  them,  immediately  before  the  steps 
which  lead  to  the  chair.  The  officers  of  the  army  and 


132  LIFE    OP    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

navy  were  scattered  in  groups  throughout  the  hall.  In 
front  of  the  Clerk's  table  chairs  were  placed  for  the 
Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court. 

At  twenty  minutes  past  12  o'clock,  the  marshals,  in 
blue  scarfs,  made  their  appearance  in  the  hall,  at  the 
head  of  the  august  procession.  First  came  the  officers 
of  both  Houses  of  Congress.  Then  appeared  the  Pres 
ident  elect,  followed  by  the  venerable  ex-president 
Monroe,  with  his  family.  To  these  succeeded  the 
Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  in  their  robes  of  office, 
the  members  of  the  Senate,  preceded  by  the  Vice- 
President,  with  a  number  of  the  members  of  the  House 
of  Representatives. 

Mr.  Adams,  in  a  plain  suit  of  black,  made  entirely 
of  American  manufactures,  ascended  to  the  Speaker's 
chair,  and  took  his  seat.  The  Chief  Justice  was  placed 
in  front  of  the  Clerk's  table,  having  before  him  another 
table  on  the  floor  of  the  hall,  on  the  opposite  side  of 
which  sat  the  remaining  Judges,  with  their  faces  towards 
the  chair.  The  doors  having  been  closed,  and  silence 
proclaimed,  Mr.  Adams  arose,  and,  in  a  distinct  and 
firm  tone  of  voice,  read  his  inaugural  address. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  address,  a  general  plaudit 
burst  forth  from  the  vast  assemblage,  which  continued 
some  minutes.  Mr.  Adams  then  descended  from  the 
chair,  and,  proceeding  to  the  Judges'  table,  received 
from  the  Chief  Justice  a  volume  of  the  Laws  of  the 
United  States,  from  which  he  read,  with  a  loud  voice, 
the  oath  of  office.  The  plaudits  and  cheers  of  the 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  153 

multitude  were  at  this  juncture  repeated,  accompanied 
by  salutes  of  artillery  from  without. 

The  congratulations  which  then  poured  in  from  every 
side  occupied  the  hands,  and  could  not  but  reach  the 
heart,  of  President  Adams.  The  meeting  between 
him  and  his  venerated  predecessor,  had  in  it  something 
peculiarly  affecting.  General  Jackson  was  among  the 
earliest  of  those  who  took  the  hand  of  the  President; 
and  their  looks  and  deportment  towards  each  other 
were  a  rebuke  to  that  littleness  of  party  spirit  which 
can  see  no  merit  in  a  rival,  and  feel  no  joy  in  the 
honor  of  a  competitor. 

Shortly  ofter  1  o'clock,  the  procession  commenced 
leaving  the  hall.  The  President  was  escorted  back  as 
he  came.  On  his  arrival  at  his  residence,  he  received 
the  compliments  and  respects  of  a  great  number  of 
ladies  and  gentlemen,  who  called  on  him  to  tender 
their  congratulations.  The  proceedings  of  the  day 
were  closed  by  an  "  inaugural  ball "  in  the  evening. 
Among  the  guests  present,  were  the  President  and 
Vice-President,  Ex- President  Monroe,  a  number  of 
foreign  ministers,  with  many  civil,  military,  and  naval 
officers.* 

Mr.  Adams's  Inaugural  Address  is  as  follows : — 

"  In  compliance  with  an  usage  coeval  with  the  existence  of  our 
federal  constitution,  and  sanctioned  by  the  example  of  my  prede 
cessors  in  the  career  upon  which  I  am  about  to  enter,  I  appear,  my 

*  National  Intelligencer. 


154  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

fellow-citizens,  in  your  presence,  and  in  that  of  heaven,  to  bind 
myself,  by  the  solemnities  of  a  religious  obligation,  to  the  faithful 
performance  of  the  duties  allotted  to  rne,  in  the  station  to  which  I 
have  been  called. 

"  Jn  unfolding  to  my  countrymen  the  principles  by  which  I  shail 
be  governed,  in  the  fulfilment  of  those  duties,  my  first  resort  wi  1 
be  to  that  constitution  which  I  shall  swear,  to  the  best  of  my  abi  - 
ity,  to  preserve,  protect,  and  defend.  That  revered  instrument  em  - 
merates  the  powers  and  prescribes  the  duties  of  the  Executive 
Magistrate,  and  in  its  first  words,  declares  the  purposes  to  whic.i 
these,  and  the  whole  action  of  the  Government  instituted  by  i  , 
should  be  invariably  and  sacredly  devoted — to  form  a  more  perfect 
union,  establish  justice,  ensure  domestic  tranquillity,  provide  for  tli-j 
common  defence,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the  bles 
sings  of  liberty  to  the  people  of  this  Union,  in  their  successive 
generations.  Since  the  adoption  of  this  social  compact,  one  of 
these  generations  has  passed  away.  It  is  the  work  of  our  fore 
fathers.  Administered  by  some  of  the  most  eminent  men,  who 
contributed  to  its  formation,  through  a  most  eventful  period  in  the 
annals  of  the  world,  and  through  all  the  vicissitudes  of  peace  ant. 
war,  incidental  to  the  condition  of  associated  man,  it  has  not  disap 
pointed  the  hopes  and  aspirations  of  those  illustrious  benefactors  of 
their  age  and  nation.  It  has  promoted  the  lasting  welfare  of  that 
country  so  dear  to  us  all ;  it  has,  to  an  extent  far  beyond  the  ordi 
nary  lot  of  humanity,  secured  the  freedom  and  happiness  of  this 
people.  We  now  receive  it  as  a  precious  inheritance  from  those  to 
whom  we  are  indebted  for  its  establishment,  doubly  bound  by  the 
examples  which  they  have  left  us,  and  by  the  blessings  which  we 
have  enjoyed,  as  the  fruits  of  their  labors,  to  transmit  the  same,  un 
impaired,  to  the  succeeding  generation. 

"  In  the  compass  of  thirty-six  years,  since  this  great  nationa 
covenant  was  instituted,  a  body  of  laws  enacted  under  its  author 
ity,  and  in  conformity  with  its  provisions,  has  unfolded  its  powers, 
and  carried  into  practical  operation  its  effective  energies.  Sub 
ordinate  departments  have  distributed  the  executive  functions  in 
their  various  relations  to  foreign  affairs,  to  the  revenue  and  ex 
penditures,  and  to  tbe  military  force  of  the  Union,  by  land  ana 
sea.  A  co-ordinate  department  of  the  judiciary  has  expounded 
the  constitution  and  the  laws ;  settling,  in  harmonious  coincidence 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  155 

with  the  legislative  will,  numerous  weighty  questions  of  construction, 
which  the  imperfection  of  human  language  had  rendered  unavoida 
ble.  The  year  of  jubilee  since  the  first  formation  of  our  Union,  has 
just  elapsed  ;  that  of  the  Declaration  of  our  Independence  is  at 
hand.  The  consummation  of  both  was  effected  by  this  constitu 
tion.  Since  that  period,  a  population  of  four  millions  has  multiplied 
to  twelve.  A  territory  bounded  by  the  Mississippi  has  been  ex 
tended  from  sea  to  sea.  New  States  have  been  admitted  to  the 
Union,  in  numbers  nearly  equal  to  those  of  the  first  confederation. 
Treaties  of  peace,  amity,  and  commerce,  have  been  concluded  with 
the  principal  dominions  of  the  earth.  The  people  of  other  nations, 
inhabitants  of  regions  acquired,  not  by  conquests,  but  by  compact, 
have  been  united  with  us  in  the  participation  of  our  rights  and  du 
ties,  of  our  burdens  and  blessings.  The  forest  has  fallen  by  the 
axe  of  our  woodsmen — the  soil  has  been  made  to  teem  by  the  tillage 
of  our  farmers ;  our  commerce  has  whitened  every  ocean.  The 
dominion  of  man  over  physical  nature  has  been  extended  by  the 
invention  of  our  artists.  Liberty  and  law  have  marched  hand  in 
hand.  All  the  purposes  of  human  association  have  been  accom 
plished  as  effectually  as  under  any  other  Government  on  the  globe, 
and  at  a  cost  little  exceeding,  in  a  whole  generation,  the  expendi 
tures  of  other  nations  in  a  single  year. 

"  Such  is  the  unexaggerated  picture  of  our  condition  under  a 
constitution  founded  upon  the  republican  principle  of  equal  rights. 
To  admit  that  this  picture  has  its  shades,  is  but  to  say,  that  it  is 
still  the  condition  of  men  upon  earth.  From  evil — physical,  moral, 
and  political — it  is  not  our  claim  to  be  exempt.  We  have  suffered, 
sometimes  by  the  visitation  of  Heaven  through  disease,  often  by 
the  wrongs  and  injustice  of  other  nations,  even  to  the  extremities 
of  war ;  and  lastly,  by  dissentions  among  ourselves — dissentions, 
perhaps,  inseparable  from  the  enjoyment  of  freedom,  hut  which  have 
more  than  once  appeared  to  threaten  the  dissolution  of  the  Union, 
and,  with  it,  the  overthrow  of  all  the  enjoyments  of  our  present  lot, 
and  all  our  earthly  hopes  of  the  future.  The  causes  of  these  dis 
sensions  have  been  various,  founded  upon  differences  of  speculation 
in  the  theory  of  republican  government,  upon  conflicting  views  of 
policy  in  our  relations  with  foreign  nations ;  upon  jealousies  of  par 
tial  and  sectional  interests,  aggravated  by  prejudices  and  preposses- 
feions,  which  strangers  to  each  other  are  ever  apt  to  entertain. 


156  LIFE    OF    JOHN   aUINCY    ADAMS. 

"  It  is  a  source  of  gratification  and  of  encouragement  to  me,  to 
observe  that  the  great  result  of  this  experiment  upon  the  theory  of 
human  rights,  has,  at  the  close  of  that  generation  by  which  it  was 
formed,  been  crowned  with  success  equal  to  the  most  sanguine 
expectations  of  its  founders.  Union,  justice,  tranquillity,  the  com 
mon  defence,  the  general  welfare,  and  the  blessings  of  liberty — 
all  have  been  promoted  by  the  Government  under  which  we  have 
lived.  Standing  at  this  point  of  time,  looking  back  to  that  genera 
tion  which  has  gone  by,  and  forward  to  that  which  is  advancing, 
we  may  at  once  indulge  in  grateful  exultation  and  in  cheering 
hope.  From  the  experience  of  the  past,  we  derive  instructive  les 
sons  for  the  future. 

"  Of  the  two  great  political  parties  which  have  divided  the  opinions 
and  feelings  of  our  country,  the  candid  and  the  just  will  now  ad 
mit,  that  both  have  contributed  splendid  talents,  spotless  integrity, 
ardent  patriotism,  and  disinterested  sacrifices,  to  the  formation  and 
administration  of  the  Government,  and  that  both  have  required  a 
liberal  indulgence  for  a  portion  of  human  infirmity  and  error.  The 
revolutionary  wars  of  Europe,  commencing  precisely  at  the  moment 
when  the  Government  of  the  United  States  first  went  into  operation 
under  the  constitution,  excited  collisions  of  sentiments  and  of  sym 
pathies,  which  kindled  all  the  passions  and  embittered  the  conflict 
of  parties,  till  the  nation  was  involved  in  war,  and  the  Union  was 
shaken  to  its  centre.  This  time  of  trial  embraced  a  period  of  five- 
and-twenty  years,  during  which  the  policy  of  the  Union  in  its  rela 
tions  with  Europe  constituted  the  principal  basis  of  our  own  political 
divisions,  and  the  most  arduous  part  of  the  action  of  the  Federal 
Government.  With  the  catastrophe  in  which  the  wars  of  the  French 
Revolution  terminated,  and  our  own  subsequent  peace  with  Great 
Britain,  this  baneful  weed  of  party  strife  was  uprooted.  From  that 
time  no  difference  of  principle,  connected  with  the  theory  of  gov 
ernment,  or  with  our  intercourse  with  foreign  nations,  has  existed 
or  been  called  forth  in  force  sufficient  to  sustain  a  continued  com 
bination  of  parties,  or  given  more  than  wholesome  animation  to  pub 
lic  sentiment  or  legislative  debate.  Our  political  creed,  without  a 
dissenting  voice  that  can  be  heard,  is,  that  the  will  of  the  people  is 
the  source,  and  the  happiness  of  the  people  is  the  end,  of  all  legit 
imate  government  upon  earth  :  that  the  best  security  for  the  benefi 
cence,  and  the  best  guaranty  against  the  abuse  of  power,  consists 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS.  157 

•n  the  freedom,  the  purity,  and  the  frequency  of  popular  elections  : 
that  the  General  Government  of  the  Union,  and  the  separate  Gov 
ernments  of  the  States,  are  all  sovereignties  of  legitimate  powers, 
fellow-servants  of  the  same  masters — uncontrolled  within  their  re 
spective  spheres,  uncontrollable  by  encroachments  on  each  other. 
If  there  have  been  those  who  doubted  whether  a  confederated  repre 
sentative  democracy  was  a  Government  competent  to  the  wise  a. 
orderly  management  of  the  common  concerns  of  a  mighty  nation, 
those  doubts  have  been  dispelled.  If  there  have  been  projects  of 
partial  confederacies  to  be  erected  upon  the  ruins  of  the  Union,  they 
have  been  scattered  to  the  \vinds.  If  there  have  been  dangerous 
attachments  to  one  foreign  nation,  and  antipathies  against  another, 
they  have  been  extinguished.  Ten  years  of  peace  at  home  and 
abroad  have  assuaged  the  animosities  of  political  contention,  and 
blended  into  harmony  the  most  discordant  elements  of  public  opinion. 
There  still  remains  one  effort  of  magnanimity,  one  sacrifice  of 
prejudice  and  passion,  to  be  made  by  the  individuals  throughout  the 
nation  who  have  heretofore  followed  the  standards  of  political  party. 
It  is  that  of  discarding  every  remnant  of  rancor  against  each  other, 
of  embracing,  as  countrymen  and  friends,  and  of  yielding  to  talents 
and  virtue  alone  that  confidence  which,  in  times  of  contention  for 
principle,  was  bestowed  only  upon  those  who  bore  the  badge  of 
party  communion. 

';  The  collisions  of  party  spirit,  which  originate  in  speculative 
opinions,  or  in  different  views  of  administrative  policy,  are  in  their 
nature  transitory.  Those  which  are  founded  on  geographical  divis 
ions,  adverse  interests  of  soil,  climate,  and  modes  of  domestic  life, 
are  more  permanent,  and  therefore,  perhaps,  more  dangerous.  It  is 
this  which  gives  inestimable  value  to  the  character  of  our  Govern 
ment,  at  once  federal  and  national.  It  holds  out  to  us  a  perpetual 
admonition  to  preserve,  alike,  and  with  equal  anxiety,  the  rights  of 
each  individual  State  in  its  own  Government,  and  the  rights  of  the 
whole  nation  in  that  of  the  Union.  Whatever  is  of  domestic  con 
cernment,  unconnected  with  the  other  members  of  the  Union,  or 
with  foreign  lands,  belongs  exclusively  to  the  administration  of 
the  State  Governments.  Whatsoever  directly  involves  the  rights  and 
interests  of  the  federative  fraternity,  or  of  foreign  powers,  is,  of 
the  resort  of  this  General  Government.  The  duties  of  both  are  ob 
vious  in  the  general  principle,  though  sometimes  perplexed  with 
G* 


158  LIFE    OF    JOHN    HUINCY    ADAMS. 

difficulties  in  the  detail.  To  respect  the  rights  of  the  State  Goverr- 
merits  is  the  inviolable  duty  of  that  of  the  Union  :  the  Governmci  t 
of  every  State  will  feel  its  own  obligation  to  respect  and  preserve 
the  rights  of  the  whole.  The  prejudices  everywhere  too  commonly 
entertained  against  distant  strangers  are  worn  away,  and  the  jea  - 
ousies  of  jarring  interests  are  allayed,  by  the  composition  and  ftinc  - 
tions  of  the  great  national  councils,  annually  assembled,  from  a  1 
quarters  of  the  Union,  at  this  place.  Here  the  distinguished  men 
from  every  section  of  our  country,  while  meeting  to  deliberate  upon 
the  great  interests  of  those  by  whom  the}''  are  deputed,  learn  to  est- 
mate  the  talents,  and  do  justice  to  the  virtues,  of  each  other.  The 
harmony  of  the  nation  is  promoted,  and  the  whole  Union  is  kn.t 
together  by  the  sentiments  of  mutual  respect,  the  habits  of  soci;  1 
intercourse,  and  the  ties  of  personal  friendship,  formed  between  the 
representatives  of  its  several  parts  in  the  performance  of  their  ser 
vice  at  this  metropolis. 

"  Passing  from  this  general  review  of  the  purposes  and  injum  - 
tions  of  the  Federal  constitution  and  their  results,  as  indicatin  T 
the  first  traces  of  the  path  of  duty  in  the  discharge  of  my  publis 
trust,  I  turn  to  the  administration  of  my  immediate  predecessor,  as 
the  second.  It  has  passed  away  in  a  period  of  profound  peace : 
how  much  to  the  satisfaction  of  our  country,  and  to  the  honor  of 
our  country's  name,  is  known  to  you  all.  The  great  features  of  its 
policy,  in  general  concurrence  with  the  will  of  the  Legislature, 
have  been — To  cherish  peace  while  preparing  for  defensive  war — • 
to  yield  exact  justice  to  other  nations,  and  maintain  the  rights  of 
our  own — to  cherish  the  principles  of  freedom  and  equal  rights, 
wherever  they  were  proclaimed — to  discharge,  with  all  possible 
promptitude,  the  national  debt — to  reduce  within  the  narrowest  lim 
its  of  efficiency  the  military  force — to  improve  the  organization 
and  discipline  of  the  army — to  provide  and  sustain  a  school  of  mili 
tary  science — to  extend  equal  protection  to  all  the  great  interests  of 
the  nation — to  promote  the  civilization  of  the  Indian  tribes ;  and — • 
to  proceed  to  the  great  system  of  internal  improvements,  within  the 
limits  of  the  constitutional  power  of  the  Union.  Under  the  pledge 
of  these  promises,  made  by  that  eminent  citizen  at  the  time  of  hi.-* 
first  induction  to  this  office,  in  his  career  of  eight  years  the  internal 
taxes  have  been  repealed ;  sixty  millions  of  the  public  debt  have 
been  discharged ;  provision  has  been  made  for  the  comfort  and 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  159 

relief  of  the  aged  and  indigent  among  the  surviving  warriors  of 
the  Revolution ;  the  regular  armed  force  has  been  reduced,  and  its 
constitution  revised  and  perfected  ;  the  accountability  for  the  expend 
itures  of  public  monies  has  been  more  effective ;  the  Floridas  have 
been  peaceably  acquired,  and  our  boundary  has  been  extended  to 
the  Pacific  Ocean  ;  the  independence  of  the  southern  nations  of  this 
hemisphere  has  been  recognized,  and  recommended  by  example  and 
by  counsel  to  the  potentates  of  Europe ;  progress  has  been  made 
in  the  defence  of  the  country,  by  fortifications  and  the  increase  of 
the  navy — towards  the  effectual  suppression  of  the  African  traffic  in 
slaves — in  alluring  the  aboriginal  hunters  of  our  land  to  the  culti 
vation  of  the  soil  and  of  the  mind — in  exploring  the  interior  regions 
of  the  Union,  and  in  preparing,  by  scientific  researches  and  surveys, 
for  the  further  application  of  our  national  resources  to  the  internal 
improvement  of  our  country. 

"  In  this  brief  outline  of  the  promise  and  performance  of  my  im 
mediate  predecessor,  the  line  of  duty,  for  his  successor,  is  clearly 
delineated.  To  pursue  to  their  consummation  those  purposes  of 
improvement  in  our  common  condition  instituted  or  recommended 
by  him,  will  embrace  the  whole  sphere  of  my  obligation.  To  the 
topic  of  internal  improvement,  emphatically  urged  by  him  at  his  in 
auguration,  I  recur  with  peculiar  satisfaction.  It  is  that  from 
which  I  am  convinced  that  the  unborn  millions  of  our  posterity,  who 
are  in  future  ages  to  people  this  continent,  will  derive  their  most 
fervent  gratitude  to  the  founders  of  the  Union — that  in  which  the 
beneficent  action  of  its  Government  will  be  most  deeply  felt  and  ac 
knowledged.  The  magnificence  and  splendor  of  their  public  works 
are  among  the  imperishable  glories  of  the  ancient  republics.  The 
roads  and  aqueducts  of  Rome  have  been  the  admiration  of  all  after 
ages,  and  have  survived  thousands  of  years  after  all  her  conquests 
have  been  swallowed  up  in  despotism,  or  become  the  spoil  of  bar 
barians.  Some  diversity  of  opinion  has  prevailed  with  regard  to 
the  powers  of  Congress  for  legislation  upon  objects  of  this  nature. 
The  most  respectful  deference  is  due  to  doubts,  originating  in  pure 
patriotism,  and  sustained  by  venerated  authority.  But  nearly  twenty 
years  have  passed  since  the  construction  of  the  first  national  road 
was  commenced.  The  authority  for  its  construction  was  then  un 
questioned.  To  how  many  thousands  of  our  countrymen  has  it 
proved  a  benefit  ?  To  what  single  individual  has  it  ever  proved  an 


160  LIFE    OF    JOHN    (1UINCY    ADAMS. 

injury  ?  Repeated,  liberal  and  candid  discussions  in  the  Legislature 
have  conciliated  the  sentiments,  and  approximated  the  opinions  cf 
enlightened  minds,  upon  the  question  of  constitutional  power.  I 
cannot  but  hope  that,  by  the  same  process  of  friendly,  patient,  an  ] 
persevering  deliberation,  all  constitutional  objections  will  ultimately 
be  removed.  The  extent  and  limitation  of  the  powers  of  the  Ger- 
eral  Government,  in  relation  to  this  transcendently  important  interest, 
will  be  settled  and  acknowledged  to  the  common  satisfaction  of  all ; 
and  every  speculative  scruple  will  be  solved  by  a  .practical  public 
blessing. 

"Fellow-citizens,  you  are  acquainted  with  the  peculiar  circum 
stances  of  the  recent  election,  which  have  resulted  in  affording  m? 
the  opportunity  of  addressing  you  at  this  time.  You  have  heard 
the  exposition  of  the  principles  which  will  direct  me  in  the  fulfil 
ment  of  the  high  and  solemn  trust  imposed  upon  me  in  this  statior . 
Less  possessed  of  your  confidence,  in  advance,  than  any  of  my  pre 
decessors,  I  am  deeply  conscious  of  the  prospect  that  I  shall  stand 
more  and  oftener  in  need  of  your  indulgence.  Intentions  upright 
and  pure,  a  heart  devoted  to  the  welfare  of  our  country,  and  tho 
unceasing  application  of  the  faculties  allotted  to  me  to  her  service, 
are  all  the  pledges  that  I  can  give  for  the  faithful  performance  of 
the  arduous  duties  I  am  to  undertake.  To  the  guidance  of  tho 
legislative  councils  ;  to  the  assistance  of  the  executive  and  subor 
dinate  departments ;  to  the  friendly  co-operation  of  the  respective 
State  Governments ;  to  the  candid  and  liberal  support  of  the  people, 
so  far  as  it  may  be  deserved  by  honest  industry  and  zeal ;  I  shall 
look  for  whatever  success  may  attend  my  public  service :  and 
knowing  that  '  except  the  Lord  keep  the  city,  the  watchman  waketh 
but  in  vain,'  with  fervent  supplications  for  His  favor,  to  His  over 
ruling  providence  I  commit,  with  humble  but  fearless  confidence, 
my  own  fate,  and  the  future  destinies  of  my  country." 

In  entering  upon  the  discharge  of  his  duties  as  Pres 
ident,  Mr.  Adams  proceeded  to  form  his  cabinet  by 
nominating  Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  Secretary  of 
State  ;  Richard  Rush,  of  Pennsylvania,  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury ;  James  Barbour,  of  Virginia,  Secretary 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCV    ADAMS.  161 

of  War  ;  Samuel  L.  Southard,  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
and  Wm.  Wirt,  Attorney  General.  These  were  all 
men  of  superior  talents,  of  tried  integrity  and  faithful 
ness,  and  well  worthy  the  elevated  positions  to  which 
they  were  called 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

CHARGES    OF   CORRUPTION    AGAINST   MR.    CLAY  AND   MR.    ADAM  5 

MR.    ADAMS     ENTERS     UPON    HIS     DUTIES    AS    PRESIDENT 

VISIT    OF    LA  FAYETTE TOUR    THROUGH    THE    UNITED  STATE? 

MR.    ADAMS     DELIVERS     HIM    A    FAREWELL     ADDRESS DE 
PARTS    FROM    THE    UNITED    STATES. 

THE  election  of  Mr.  Adams  to  the  presidency,  wa:> 
a  severe  disappointment  to  the  friends  of  Gen.  Jack 
son.  As  the  latter  had  received  a  majority  of  fifteen 
electoral  votes  over  Mr.  Adams,  it  was  confidently  an 
ticipated,  nay,  virtually  demanded,  that  he  should  be 
elected  by  the  House  of  Representatives.  This  claim, 
it  was  insisted,  was  in  accordance  with  the  will  of  the 
people,  as  expressed  in  the  electoral  colleges,  and  to 
resist  it  would  be  to  violate  the  spirit  of  the  constitu 
tion,  and  to  set  at  nought  the  fundamental  principles  of 
our  republican  Government.  A  sufficient  reply  to 
these  positions  is  found  in  the  fact,  that  Gen.  Jackson 
did  not  receive  a  majority  of  the  electoral  votes,  and 
hence  a  majority  of  the  people  could  not  be  considered 
as  desiring  his  election.  The  absolute  truth,  subse 
quently  obtained  on  this  point,  was,  that  Mr.  Adams 
had  received  more  of  the  primary  votes  of  the  people 
than  Gen.  Jackson  ;  and  thus,  according  to  all  repub  • 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  163 

lican  principles,  was  entitled  to  be  considered  the  first 
choice  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States. 

The  position  of  Mr.  Clay,  in  this  contest  for  the 
presidency,  was  one  of  great  delicacy  and  difficulty. 
He  was  precisely  in  that  critical  posture,  that,  whatever 
course  he  might  pursue,  he  would  be  subject  to  mis 
representation  and  censure,  and  could  not  but  raise  up 
a  host  of  enemies.  Originally  one  of  the  four  candidates 
for  the  presidency,  he  failed,  by  five  electoral  votes,  in 
having  a  sufficient  number  to  be  one  of  the  three  can 
didates  returned  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  of 
which  he  was  then  Speaker.  In  this  posture  of  affairs, 
it  was  evident  that  upon  the  course  which  should  be 
pursued  by  Mr.  Clay,  and  his  friends  in  the  House,  de 
pended  the  question  who  should  be  elected  President. 
As  Mr.  Crawford,  on  account  of  the  critical  state  of  his 
health,  was  considered  out  of  the  question,  Mr.  Clay 
was  left  to  choose  between  Mr.  Adams  and  Gen. 
Jackson. 

In  this  posture  of  affairs,  Mr.  Clay  saw,  that  however 
patriotic  the  principles  on  which  he  acted,  and  however 
pure  the  motives  by  which  he  might  be  governed  in 
making  his  selection,  he  must  inevitably  expose  him 
self  to  the  severest  animadversions  from  the  defeated 
party.  But  he  did  not  hesitate,  in  the  discharge  of  what 
he  believed  to  be  a  solemn  duty  he  owed  his  country, 
to  throw  his  influence  in  behalf  of  the  man  whom  he 
believed  the  best  fitted  to  serve  that  country  in  the 
responsible  office  of  the  presidency.  Long  before  it 


164  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

had  been  foreseen  such  a  contingency  would  occur,  h<3 
had  expressed  his  want  of  confidence  in  the  ability  and 
fitness  of  Gen.  Jackson  for  the  executive  chair.  But 
in  Mr.  Adams  he  saw  a  man  of  the  utmost  purity  and 
integrity  of  private  character — a  scholar  of  the  ripest 
abilities — a  statesman,  a  diplomatist,  a  patriot  of  un 
questioned  talents  and  of  long  experience, — one  who 
had  been  entrusted  with  most  important  public  interests 
by  Washington,  Adams,  Jefferson,  Madison  and  Mon 
roe,  and  also  had  received  from  these  illustrious  men 
every  mark  of  confidence — whose  familiarity  with  th-3 
internal  condition  and  foreign  relations  of  the  Union 
was  unequalled  by  any  public  man  !  Between  men  so 
dissimilar  in  their  qualifications,  how  could  Mr.  Clay, 
with  the  slightest  regard  to  the  welfare  of  the  nation, 
the  claims  of  patriotism,  or  the  dictates  of  his  con 
science,  hesitate  to  choose  ?  He  did  not  hesitate. 
With  an  intrepid  determination  to  meet  all  conse 
quences,  he  threw  his  influence  in  behalf  of  Mr. 
Adams,  and  secured  his  election. 

This  decisive  step,  as  had  been  clearly  foreseen,  drew 
upon  the  head  of  Mr.  Clay  the  severest  censures  of  the 
supporters  of  Gen.  Jackson.  Motives  of  the  deepest 
political  corruption  were  attributed  to  him.  They 
charged  him  with  making  a  deliberate  stipulation  or 
"  bargain"  with  Mr.  Adams,  to  give  his  influence,  on 
the  understanding  that  he  was  to  receive,  in  payment, 
the  appointment  to  the  state  department.  The  un 
doubted  object  of  this  charge  was  to  ruin  Mr.  Clay's 


3.IFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  165 

fu'.ure  prospects,  and  make  capital  to  the  advantage  of 
Gen.  Jackson  in  the  next  presidential  campaign.  It 
implicated  Mr.  Adams  equally  with  Mr.  Clay.  If  the 
latter  had  been  so  corrupt  as  to  offer  his  support  on  the 
promise  of  office,  the  former  was  quite  as  guilty  in  ac 
cepting  of  terms  so  venal.  There  never  was  a  more 
base  charge  against  American  statesmen — there  never 
was  one  more  entirely  destitute  of  foundation,  or  even 
shadow  of  proof!  It  was  at  no  time  considered  en 
titled  to  the  slightest  particle  of  belief  by  those  who 
were  at  Washington  during  these  transactions  and 
had  an  opportunity  of  knowing  the  true  state  of  things 
at  that  time.  But  there  were  many,  throughout  the 
country,  too  ready  to  receive  such  reports  in  regard  to 
public  men.  Both  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Clay  were 
greatly  prejudiced  by  this  alleged  collusion — a  preju 
dice  which  years  did  not  efface. 

This  charge  first  appeared  in  a  tangible  form  shortly 
previous  to  the  election  by  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  in  an  anonymous  letter  in  the  "  Columbian  Ob 
server,"  at  Philadelphia.  It  was  soon  ascertained  to 
have  been  written  by  Mr.  Kremer,  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  from  Pennsylvania.  Mr. 
Clay  immediately  published  a  card  in  tfie  National 
Intelligencer,  denying,  in  unequivocal  terms,  the  alle 
gation,  and  pronouncing  the  author  "an  infamous 
calumniator,  a  dastard,  and  a  ii'ir !" 

A  few  days  after  this,  Mr.  Kremer  acknowledged 

himself  the  author  of  the  letter  in  the  "Columbian 
11 


166  LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS. 

Observer,"  and  professed  himself  ready  to  prove  the 
corruptions  alleged:  whereupon  Mr.  Clay  demanded 
that  the  House  raise  a  committee  to  investigate  the 
case.  The  committee  was  appointed  ;  but  Mr.  Kre- 
mer,  on  grounds  of  the  most  frivolous  description, 
refused  to  appear  before  the  committee,  or  to  furnish  r. 
particle  of  proof  of  the  truth  of  the  grave  assertions  ho 
had  uttered — thus  virtually  acknowledging  their  slan 
derous  character. 

Mr.  Clay  being  in  this  manner  denied  the  privilege 
of  vindicating  his  innocence,  and  showing  the  depravity 
of  his  accusers,  the  matter  continued  in  an  unsettled 
state  until  the  next  presidential  campaign,  when  it 
was  revived  in  a  more  tangible  form,  and  brought  to 
bear  adversely  to  Mr.  Adams's  administration  and  re 
election.  In  1827,  Gen.  Jackson,  in  a  letter  to  Mr. 
Carter  Beverly,  which  soon  appeared  in  public  print, 
made  the  following  statement : — 

"  Early  in  January,  1825,  a  member  of  Congress  of  high  respect 
ability  visited  me  one  morning,  and  observed  that  he  had  a  com 
munication  he  was  desirous  to  make  to  me ;  that  he  was  informed 
there  was  a  great  intrigue  going  on,  and  that  it  was  right  I  should 
be  informed  of  it.  *******  He  said  he  had  been  informed  by 
the  friends  of  Mr.  Clay,  that  the  friends  of  Mr.  Adams  had  made 
overtures  to  them,  saying,  if  Mr.  Clay  and  his  friends  would  unite  ir 
aid  of  Mr.  Adams's  election,  Mr.  Clay  should  be  Secretary  of  State  ; 
that  the  friends  of  Mr.  Adams  were  urging,  as  a  reason  to  induce 
the  friends  of  Mr.  Clay  to  accede  to  their  proposition,  that  if  I  were 
elected  President,  Mr.  Adams  would  be  continued  Secretary  of 
State ;  that  the  friends  of  Mr.  Clay  stated  the  West  did  not  wish  to 
separate  from  the  West,  and  if  I  would  say,  or  permit  any  of  my 
confidential  friends  to  say,  that  in  case  I  were  elected  President 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  167 

Mr.  Adams  should  not  be  continued  Secretary  of  State,  by  a  com 
plete  union  of  Mr.  Clay  and  his  friends,  they  would  put  an  end  to 
the  presidential  contest  in  one  hour.  And  he  was  of  opinion  it  was 
right  to  fight  such  intriguers  with  their  own  weapons." 

On  a  subsequent  statement,  Gen.  Jackson  asserted 
that  the  gentleman  who  called  upon  him  with  these 
propositions  was  James  Buchanan,  of  Pennsylvania. 

This  was  the  Kremer  charge  made  definite  in  cir 
cumstances  and  application  ;  and  if  well  grounded, 
was  susceptible  of  plain  proof.  On  the  appearance  of 
this  statement  by  Gen.  Jackson,  Mr.  Clay  came  out 
with  a  positive  denial.  He  said  : — 

"  I  neither  made,  nor  authorized,  nor  knew  of  any  proposition 
whatever,  to  either  of  the  three  candidates  who  were  returned  to 
the  House  of  Representatives,  at  the  last  presidential  election,  or  to 
the  friends  of  either  of  them,  for  the  purpose  of  influencing  the  re 
sult  of  the  election,  or  for  any  other  purpose.  And  all  allegations, 
intimations,  and  inuendoes,  that  my  vote  on  that  occasion  was 
afiered  to  be  given,  or  was  in  fact  given,  in  consideration  of  any 
stipulation  or  understanding,  express  or  implied,  direct  or  indirect, 
written  or  verbal, — that  I  was,  or  that  any  other  person  was  not,  to 
be  appointed  Secretary  of  State  ;  or  that  I  was,  or  in  any  other 
manner  to  be,  personally  benefited, — are  devoid  of  all  truth,  and 
destitute  of  any  foundation  whatever." 

Here  was  a  direct  collision  between  Gen.  Jackson 
and  Mr. 'Clay.  All  now  rested  with  Mr.  Buchanan. 
His  testimony  would  either  prostrate  Mr.  Clay,  or 
place  him,  in  regard  to  this  matter,  beyond  the  reach 
of  the  foulest  tongue  of  calumny.  In  due  time  Mr. 
Buchanan  made  his  statement,  in  which  he  denied,  in 


168  LIFE    OF    JOHN     QUINCY    ADAMS. 

unequivocal  language,  having  made  any  such  propo 
sition  to  Gen.  Jackson.     In  his  explanation  he  says : — 

"  I  called  upon  General  Jackson  solely  as  his  friend,  upon  my  in 
dividual  responsibility,  and  not  as  the  agent  of  Mr.  Clay,  or  any  other 
person.  I  never  have  been  the  political  friend  of  Mr.  Clay,  since 
he  became  a  candidate  for  the  office  of  President.  Until  I  saw 
General  Jackson's  letter  to  Mr.  Beverly,  of  the  6th  ult.,  and  at  the 
same  time  was  informed,  by  a  letter  from  the  editor  of  the  United 
States  Telegraph,  that  I  was  the  person  to  whom  he  alluded,  the 
conception  never  once  entered  my  head,  that  he  believed  me  to  be 
the  agent  of  Mr.  Clay,  or  of  his  friends,  or  that  I  had  intended  to 
propose  to  him  terms  of  any  kind  from  them,  or  that  he  could  have 
supposed  me  to  be  capable  of  expressing  the  opinion  that '  it  was 
right  to  fight  such  intriguers  with  their  own  weapons.'  Such  a 
supposition,  had  I  entertained  it,  would  have  rendered  me  exceed 
ingly  unhappy,  as  there  is  no  man  on  earth  whose  good  opinion  I 
more  valued  than  that  of  General  Jackson.  *********  I  owe 
it  to  my  character  to  make  another  observation.  Had  I  ever  known, 
or  even  suspected,  that  General  Jackson  believed  I  had  been  sent  to 
him  by  Mr.  Clay  or  his  friends,  I  should  immediately  have  corrected 
his  erroneous  impression,  and  thus  prevented— the  necessity  for  this 
most  unpleasant  explanation.  *******  I  had  no  authority  fn.m 
Mr.  Clay,  or  his  friends,  to  propose  any  terms  to  General  Jackson  in 
relation  to  their  votes,  nor  did  I  ever  make  any  such  proposition." 

This  statement  fully  and  triumphantly  exonerated 
Mr.  Clay,  Mr.  Adams,  and  their  friends,  from  the 
charge  of  "bargain"  and  "corruption,"  which  had 
been  so  boldly  made  and  widely  disseminated.  The 
only  witness  ever  brought  upon  the  stand  to  sup 
port  such  an  allegation,  asserted,  in  a  manner  the 
most  positive  and  decisive,  the  entire  innocence  of  the 
parties  implicated. 

That  Mr.  Clay,  in  throwing  his  influence  in  behalf 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  169 

of  Mr.  Adams,  was  but  following  out  a  resolution 
formed  long  before  he  had  any  opportunity  of  commu 
nication  with  Mr.  Adams  or  his  friends,  on  the  sub 
ject,  is  proved  by  the  following  extract  of  a  letter  from 
a  gentleman  in  Lexington,  Ky.,  to  the  editors  of  the 
National  Intelligencer,  dated  March  21,  1825  : — 

"  At  different  times,  before  Mr.  Clay  left  this  place  for  Washing 
ton,  last  fall,  I  had  conversations  with  him  on  the  subject  of  the 
choice  of  a  President  by  the  House  of  Representatives.  In  all  of 
them,  he  expressed  himself  as  having  long  before  decided  in  favor 
of  Mr.  Adams,  in  case  the  contest  should  lie  between  that  gentle 
man  and  General  Jackson.  My  last  interview  with  him  was,  I 
think,  the  day  before  his  departure,  when  he  was  still  more  explicit, 
as  it  \vas  then  certain  that  the  election  would  be  transferred  to  that 
tribunal,  and  highly  probable  that  he  would  not  be  among  the  num 
ber  returned.  In  the  course  of  this  conversation,  I  took  occasion 
to  express  my  sentiments  with  respect  to  the  delicate  and  difficult 
circumstances  under  which  he  would  be  placed.  He  remarked 
that  I  could  not  more  fully  apprehend  them  than  he  did  himself; 
but  that  nothing  should  deter  him  from  the  duty  of  giving  his  vote  ; 
and  that  no  state  of  things  could  arise  that  would  justify  him  in 
preferring  General  Jackson  to  Mr.  Adams,  or  induce  him  to  support 
the  former.  So  decisive,  indeed,  were  his  declarations  on  this  sub 
ject,  that  had  ho  voted  otherwise  than  he  did,  I  should  have  been 
compelled  to  regard  him  as  deserving  that  species  of  censure  which 
has  been  cast  upon  him  for  constantly  adhering  to  an  early  and 
deliberate  resolution." 

It  was  thought,  by  some  of  Mr.  Clay's  friends,  that 
he  erred  in  judgment  in  accepting  the  office  of  Secre 
tary  of  State,  as  it  would  tend  to  strengthen  his  ene 
mies  in  their  efforts  to  fix  upon  him  the  charge  of 
corruption.  Among  those  entertaining  this  opinion 
was  Mr.  Crawford,  himself  one  of  the  three  presiden- 


170  LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS. 

tial  candidates  returned  to  the  House  of  Representa 
tives.     In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Clay  he  says  : — 

"  I  hope  you  know  me  too  well  to  suppose  that  I  have  counte 
nanced  the  charge  of  corruption  which  has  been  reiterated  against 
you.  The  truth  is,  I  approved  of  your  vote  when  it  was  given,  anu 
should  have  voted  as  you  did  between  Jackson  and  Adams.  Bu, 
candor  compells  me  to  say,  that  I  disapproved  of  your  accepting  an 
office  under  Mm." 

In  replying  to  this  letter  Mr.  Clay  remarked  : — 

"  I  do,  my  dear  sir,  know  you  too  well  to  suppose  that  you  ever 
countenanced  the  charge  of  corruption  against  me.  No  man  o' 
sense  and  candor — at  least  none  that  know  me — ever  could  or  di  i 
countenance  it.  Your  frank  admission  that  you  would  have  vote. I 
as  I  did,  between  Mr.  Adams  and  Gen.  Jackson,  accords  with  tha 
estimate  I  have  ever  made  of  your  intelligence,  your  independence, 
and  your  patriotism.  Nor  am  I  at  all  surprised,  or  dissatisfied,  with 
the  expression  of  your  opinion,  that  I  erred  in  accepting  the  place 
which  I  now  hold.  *******  The  truth  is,  as  I  have  often  said, 
my  condition  was  one  full  of  embarrassments,  whatever  way  I 
might  act.  My  own  judgment  was  rather  opposed  to  my  accept 
ance  of  the  department  of  state.  But  my  friends — and  let  me 
add,  two  of  your  best  friends,  Mr.  McLane  of  Delaware  and  Mr. 
Forsyth — urged  me  strongly  not  to  decline  it.  It  was  represented 
by  my  friends,  that  I  should  get  no  credit  for  the  forbearance,  but 
that,  on  the  contrary,  it  would  be  said  that  my  forbearance  was  evi 
dence  of  my  having  made  a  bargain,  though  unwilling  to  execute 
it.  ********  These  and  other  similar  arguments  were  pressed 
upon  me ;  and  after  a  week's  deliberation,  I  yielded  to  their  force. 
It  is  quite  possible  that  I  may  have  erred  ******!  shall,  at  least, 
have  no  cause  of  self-reproach." 

In  1829,  after  Mr.  Adams  had  retired  from  the  Presi 
dential  chair,  in  reply  to  a  letter  from  a  committee  of 
gentlemen  in  New  Jersey,  who  had  addressel  him,  he 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  171 

spoke  of  Mr.  Clay  as  follows :  "  Upon  him  the  foulest 
slanders  have  been  showered.  Long  known  and  ap 
preciated,  as  successively  a  member  of  both  Houses  of 
your  national  Legislature,  as  the  unrivalled  Speaker, 
and  at  the  same  time  most  efficient  leader  of  debates  in 
one  of  them ;  as  an  able  and  successful  negotiator  of  your 
interests,  in  war  and  peace,  with  foreign  powers,  and 
as  a  powerful  candidate  for  the  highest  of  your  trusts, 
the  department  of  state  itself  was  a  station  which  by 
its  bestowal  could  confer  neither  profit  nor  honor  upon 
him,  but  upon  which  he  has  shed  unfading  honor,  by 
the  manner  in  which  he  has  discharged  its  duties. 
Prejudice  and  passion  have  charged  him  with  obtain 
ing  that  office  by  bargain  and  corruption.  Before  you, 
my  fellowr-citizens,  in  the  presence  of  our  country  and 
heaven,  I  pronounce  that  charge  totally  unfounded. 
This  tribute  of  justice  is  due  from  me  to  him,  and  I 
seize  with  pleasure  the  opportunity  afforded  me  by 
your  letter,  of  discharging  the  obligation.  As  to  my 
motives  for  tendering  to  him  the  department  of  state 
when  I  did,  let  that  man  who  questions  them  come  for 
ward  ;  let  him  look  around  among  statesmen  and  legis 
lators,  of  this  nation,  and  of  that  day ;  let  him  then 
select  and  name  the  man  whom,  by  his  pre-eminent 
talents,  by  his  splendid  services,  by  his  ardent  patriotism, 
by  his  all-embracing  public  spirit,  by  his  fervid  elo 
quence  in  behalf  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  mankind, 
and  by  his  long  experience  in  the  affairs  of  the  Union, 
foreign  and  domestic,  a  President  of  the  United  States, 


172  LIFE    OP    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

intent  only  upon  the  welfare  and  honor  of  his  country, 
ought  to  have  preferred  to  HENRY  CLAY.  Let  him 
name  the  man,  and  then  judge  you,  my  fellow-citizens, 
of  my  motives." 

When  Mr.  Adams  was  on  a  tour  in  the  western 
States,  in  the  fall  of  1843,  in  addressing  the  chairman 
of  the  committee  of  his  reception,  at  Maysville,  Ken 
tucky,  he  said :  "  I  thank  you,  sir,  for  the  opportunity 
you  have  given  me  of  speaking  of  the  great  statesman 
who  was  associated  with  me  in  the  administration  of 
the  General  Government,  at  my  earnest  solicitation  ; 
who  belongs  not  to  Kentucky  alone,  but  to  the  whole 
Union;  and  who  is  not  only  an  honor  to  this  State,  and 
this  nation,  but  to  mankind.  The  charges  to  which 
you  refer,  after  my  term  of  service  had  expired,  and  it 
was  proper  for  me  to  speak,  I  denied  before  the  whole 
country.  And  I  here  reiterate  and  re-affirm  that  de 
nial  ;  and  as  I  expect  shortly  to  appear  before  my  God, 
to  answer  for  the  conduct  of  my  whole  life,  should 
these  charges  have  found  their  way  to  the  throne  of 
eternal  justice,  I  WILL  in  the  presence  of  OMNIPOTENCE 
pronounce  them  FALSE." 

Before  the  world  Mr.  Clay  and  Mr.  Adams  stand 
acquitted  of  the  calumny  which  their  enemies  en 
deavored,  with  an  industry  worthy  a  better  cause, 
to  heap  upon  them.  The  history  of  their  country  will 
do  them  ample  justice.  Their  names  shall  stand  upon 
its  pages,  illuminated  by  a  well-earned  fame  for  pa 
triotism  and  faithful  devotion  to  public  interests. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  173 

when  those  of  their  accusers  will  be  lost  in  a  merited 
oblivion. 

Mr.  Adams,  having  entered  upon  his  duties  as  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  prosecuted  them  with  all 
that  diligence  and  industrious  application  which  was 
one  of  the  leading  characteristics  of  his  life.  Unawed 
by  the  opposition  and  the  misrepresentations  of  his  po 
litical  enemies,  and  uncorrupted  by  the  power  and  in 
fluence  at  his  control,  he  pursued  the  even  tenor  of  his 
way,  having  a  single  object  in  view,  the  promotion  of 
the  welfare  of  the  people  over  whom  he  had  been  called 
to  preside. 

In  the  meantime,  the  heart  of  the  nation  wras  being 
stirred  by  old  and  valued  reminiscences.  LA  FAYETTE, 
— a  hero  of  the  revolution — the  companion  of  Wash 
ington — whose  blood  had  enriched  American  soil  in 
defence  of  American,  freedom — had  expressed  a  wish  to 
re-visit  once  more,  before  departing  life,  the  scenes  of 
his  early  struggles  and  well-earned  glories.  This  inti 
mation  was  first  given  in  the  following  letter  to  Col. 
Willet,  an  old  friend  and  fellow-soldier  of  La  Fayette, 
who  was  then  still  living  in  New-York. 

"  Paris,  July  15,  1822. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  : — I  avail  myself  of  a  good  opportunity  to  re 
mind  you  of  your  old  friend  and  fellow-soldier,  in  whose  heart  no 
time  nor  distance  can  abate  the  patriotic  remembrance  and  personal 
affections  of  our  revolutionary  times.  We  remain  but  too  few  sur 
vivors  of  that  glorious  epoch,  in  which  the  fate  of  two  hemispheres 
H 


174  LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS. 

has  been  decided.  It  is  an  additional  monitor  to  think  more  of  the 
ties  of  brotherly  friendship  which  united  us.  May  it  be  in  my 
power,  before  I  join  our  departed  companions,  to  visit  such  of  them 
as  are  still  inhabitants  of  the  United  States,  and  to  tell  you  person 
ally,  my  dear  Willet,  how  affectionately 

"  I  am  your  sincere  friend,  LA  FAYETTE." 

Intelligence  of  this  desire  to  visit  America  having 
reached  Congress,  resolutions  were  passed  placing  a 
Government  ship  at  his  disposal : — 

"  Whereas  that  distinguished  champion  of  freedom,  and  hero  of 
our  Revolution,  the  friend  and  associate  of  Washington,  the  Marquis 
de  La  Fayette,  a  volunteer  General  Officer  in  our  Revolutionary 
War,  has  expressed  an  anxious  desire  to  visit  this  country,  the  inde 
pendence  of  which  his  valor,  blood,  and  treasure,  were  so  instru 
mental  in  achieving  :  Therefore — 

"  Be  it  Resolved,  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  United  States  of  America,  in  Congress  assembled,  That  the 
President  of  the  United  States  be  requested  to  communicate  to  the 
Marquis  de  La  Fayette  the  expression  of  those  sentiments  of  pro 
found  respect,  gratitude,  and  affectionate  attachment,  which  are 
cherished  towards  him  by  the  Government  and  people  of  this  coun 
try ;  and  to  assure  him  that  the  execution  of  his  wish  and  intention 
to  visit  this  country,  will  be  hailed  by  the  people  and  Government 
with  patriotic  pride  and  joy. 

"  And  be  it  further  Resolved,  That  the  President  of  the  United 
States  be  requested  to  ascertain  from  the  Marquis  de  La  Fayette, 
the  time  when  it  will  be  most  agreeable  for  him  to  perform  his  visit; 
and  that  he  offer  to  the  Marquis  a  conveyance  to  this  country  in 
one  of  our  national  ships." 

La  Fayette  modestly  declined  this  offer  of  a  public 
ship.  He  sailed  from  Havre  in  the  packet- ship  Cad 
mus,  accompanied  by  his  son,  George  Washington 
La  Fayette,  and  arrived  in  New  York  on  the  15th  of 
August,  1824. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  175 

His  reception  at  New  York  was  sublime  and  brilliant 
in  the  extreme.  The  meeting  between  La  Fayette, 
Col.  Willet,  Gen.  Van  Cortland,  Gen.  Clarkson,  and 
other  revolutionary  worthies,  was  highly  affecting. 
He  knew  them  all.  After  the  ceremony  of  embracing 
and  congratulations  were  over,  La  Fayette  sat  down 
by  the  side  of  Col.  Willet.  "  Do  you  remember,"  said 
the  colonel, "  at  the  battle  of  Mon  mouth,  I  was  a  volun 
teer  aid  to  Gen.  Scott  ?  I  saw  you  in  the  heat  of  bat 
tle,  you  were  but  a  boy,  but  you  were  a  serious  and 
sedate  lad."  "  Aye,  aye,"  returned  La  Fayette,  "  I  re 
member  well.  And  on  the  Mohawk  I  sent  you  fifty 
Indians,  and  you  wrote  me  that  they  set  up  such  a  yell 
that  they  frightened  the  British  horse,  and  they  ran  one 
way,  and  the  Indians  another."  Thus  these  veteran 
soldiers  "  fought  their  battles  o'er  again." 

From  New  York  La  Fayette  proceeded  on  a  tour 
throughout  the  United  States.  Everywhere  he  was 
received  and  honored,  as  "THE  NATION'S  GUEST."  For 
more  than  a  year,  his  journey  was  a  complete  ovation 
— a  perpetual  and  splendid  pageant.  The  people  ap 
peared  delirious  with  joy  and  with  anxiety  to  hail  him, 
grasp  him  by  the  hand,  and  shower  attentions  and 
honors  upon  him.  The  gratitude  and  love  of  all  per 
sons,  of  every  age,  sex,  and  condition,  seemed  hardly  to 
be  restrained  within  bounds  of  propriety.  As  he  passed 
through  the  country,  every  city,  village,  and  hamlet, 
poured  out  its  inhabitants  en  ?nasse,  to  meet  him. 
Celebrations,  processions,  dinners,  illuminations,  bon- 


176  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

fires,  parties,  balls,  serenades,  and  rejoicings  of  every 
description,  attended  his  way,  from  the  moment  he  sot 
foot  on  the  American  soil,  until  his  embarkation  to 
return  to  his  native  France. 

The  hearts  of  the  people  in  the  most  distant  pans 
of  the  Western  Hemisphere  were  warmed  and  touched 
with  the  honors  paid  him  in  the  United  States.  A 
letter  written  at  that  time  from  Buenos  Ayres,  says — 
''  I  have  just  received  newspapers  from  the  United 
States,  informing  me  of  the  magnificent  reception  of 
Gen.  La  Fayette.  I  have  never  read  newspapers  with 
such  exquisite  delight  as  these  ;  and  I  firmly  believe- 
there  never  was  so  interesting  and  glorious  an  event  ir, 
the  civilized  wrorld,  in  which  all  classes  of  people  parti 
cipated  in  the  general  joy,  as  on  this  occasion.  There 
is  an  association  of  ideas  connected  with  this  event, 
that  produces  in  my  soul  emotions  I  cannot  express, 
and  fills  my  heart  with  such  grateful  recollections  as  I 
cannot  forget  but  with  my  existence.  That  ten  mil 
lions  of  souls,  actuated  by  pure  sentiments  of  gratitude 
and  friendship,  should  with  one  voice  pronounce  this 
individual  the  'Guest  of  the  Nation,'  and  pay  him  the 
highest  honors  the  citizens  of  a  free  nation  can  offer, 
is  an  event  which  must  excite  the  astonishment  of 
Europe,  and  show  the  inestimable  value  of  liberty." 

In  June,  1825,  La  Fayette  visited  Boston,  and  on 
the  17th  day  of  that  month,  it  being  the  anniversary 
of  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  he  participated  in  the  cer 
emony  of  laying  the  corner  stone  of  the  monument  in 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  177 

commemoration  of  that  event,  on  Bunker  Hill.  During 
his  tour  at  the  east,  he  visited  the  venerable  ex-Presi 
dent  John  Adams,  at  Quincy. 

But  the  time  for  his  departure  drew  near.  His  jour 
ney  had  extended  as  far  south  as  New  Orleans,  west 
to  St.  Louis,  north  and  east  to  Massachusetts.  He 
had  passed  through,  or  touched,  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia, 
North  and  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Louisi 
ana,  Mississippi,  Missouri,  Tennessee,  Kentucky,  Illi 
nois,  Indiana,  Ohio,  Connecticut,  Rhode  Island,  and 
Massachusetts. 

A  new  frigate,  the  Brandy  wine,  named  in  honor  of 
the  gallant  exploits  of  Gen.  La  Fayette  at  the  battle  of 
Brandywine,  was  provided  by  Congress  to  convey  him 
to  France.  It  was  deemed  appropriate  that  he  should 
take  final  leave  of  the  nation  at  the  seat  of  government 
in  Washirgton.  President  Adams  invited  him  to 
pass  a  few  weeks  in  the  presidential  mansion.  Mr. 
Adams  had  been  on  intimate  terms  with  La  Fayette  in 
his  youth,  with  whom,  it  is  said,  he  was  a  marked  fa 
vorite.  During  his  sojourn  at  the  capitol,  he  visited 
ex-Presidents  Jefferson,  Madison,  and  Monroe,  at  their 
several  places  of  residence. 

Having  paid  his  respects  to  these  venerated  sages, 
"  the  Nation's  Guest''  prepared  to  take  his  final  depart 
ure  from  the  midst  of  a  grateful  people.  The  7th  of 
September,  1825,  was  the  day  appointed  for  taking 
leave.  About  12  o'clock,  the  officers  of  the  General 


178  LIFE    OP    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS. 

Government,  civil,  military,  and  naval,  together  with 
the  authorities  of  Washington,  Georgetown,  and  Alex 
andria,  with  multitudes  of  citizens  and  strangers, 
assembled  in  the  President's  house.  La  Fayette  en 
tered  the  great  hall  in  silence,  leaning  on  the  Marshal 
of  the  District,  and  one  of  the  sons  of  the  President. 
Mr.  Adams  then  with  evident  emotion,  but  with  much 
dignity  and  firmness,  addressed  him  in  the  following 
terms  : — 

"  GENERAL  LA  FAYETTE  :  It  has  been  the  good  fortune  of  many 
of  my  fellow-citizens,  during  the  course  of  the  year  now  elapsed, 
upon  your  arrival  at  their  respective  places  of  abode  to  greet  you 
with  the  welcome  of  the  nation.  The  less  pleasing  task  now  de 
volves  upon  me,  of  bidding  you,  in  the  name  of  the  nation,  ADIEU  ! 

"  It  were  no  longer  seasonable,  and  would  be  superfluous,  to  re 
capitulate  the  remarkable  incidents  of  your  early  life — incidents 
which  associated  your  name,  fortunes,  and  reputation,  in  imperish 
able  connection  with  the  independence  and  history  of  the  North 
American  Union. 

"  The  part  which  you  performed  at  that  important  juncture  was 
marked  with  characters  so  peculiar,  that,  realizing  the  fairest  fable  of 
antiquity,  its  parallel  could  scarcely  be  found  in  the  authentic  records 
of  human  history. 

"  You  deliberately  and  perseveringly  preferred  toil,  danger,  the 
endurance  of  every  hardship,  and  privation  of  every  comfort,  in  de 
fence  of  a  holy  cause,  to  inglorious  ease,  and  the  allurements  of 
rank,  affluence,  and  unrestrained  youth,  at  the  most  splendid  and 
fascinating  court  of  Europe. 

"  That  this  choice  was  not  less  wise  than  magnanimous,  the  sane 
tion  of  half  a  century,  and  the  gratulations  of  unnumbered  voices, 
all  unable  to  express  the  gratitude  of  the  heart,  with  which  your 
visit  to  this  hemisphere  has  been  welcomed,  afford  ample  demon 
stration. 

"  When  the  contest  of  freedom,  to  which  you  had  repaired  as  a 
voluntary  champion,  had  closed,  by  the  complete  triumph  of  her 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS.  179 

cause  in  this  country  of  your  adoption,  you  returned  to  fulfil  the 
duties  of  the  philanthropist  and  patriot,  in  the  land  of  your  nativity. 
There,  in  a  consistent  and  undeviating  career  of  forty  years,  you 
have  maintained,  through  every  vicissitude  of  alternate  success  and 
disappointment,  the  same  glorious  cause  to  which  the  first  years  of 
your  active  life  had  been  devoted,  the  improvement  of  the  moral  and 
political  condition  of  man. 

"  Throughout  that  long  succession  of  time,  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  for  whom  and  with  whom  you  have  fought  the  bat 
tles  of  liberty,  have  been  living  in  the  full  possession  of  its  fruits  ; 
one  of  the  happiest  among  the  family  of  nations.  Spreading  in 
population ;  enlarging  in  territory ;  acting  and  suffering  according 
to  the  condition  of  their  nature  ;  and  laying  the  foundations  of  the 
greatest,  and,  we  humbly  hope,  the  most  beneficient  power,  that  ever 
regulated  the  concerns  of  man  upon  earth. 

"  In  that  lapse  of  forty  years,  the  generation  of  men  with  whom 
you  co-operated  in  the  conflict  of  arms,  has  nearly  passed  away. 
Of  the  general  officers  of  the  American  army  in  that  war.  you  alone 
survive.  Of  the  sages  who  guided  our  councils ;  of  the  warriors 
who  met  the  foe  in  the  field,  or  upon  the  wave,  with  the  exception 
of  a  few  to  whom  unusual  length  of  days  has  been  alloted  by  Hea 
ven,  all  now  sleep  with  their  fathers.  A  succeeding,  and  even  a 
third  generation,  have  arisen  to  take  their  places  ;  and  their  chil 
dren's  children,  while  rising  up  to  call  them  blessed,  have  been 
taught  by  them,  as  well  as  admonished  by  their  own  constant  enjoy 
ment  of  freedom,  to  include  in  every  benison  upon  their  fathers,  the 
name  of  him,  who  came  from  afar,  with  them  and  in  their  cause  to 
conquer  or  to  fall. 

"  The  universal  prevalence  of  these  sentiments  was  signally  man 
ifested  by  a  resolution  of  Congress,  representing  the  whole  people, 
and  all  the  States  of  this  Union,  requesting  the  President  of  the 
United  States  to  communicate  to  you  the  assurances  of  the  grateful 
and  affectionate  attachment  of  this  government  and  people,  and  de 
siring  that  a  national  ship  might  be  employed,  at  your  convenience, 
for  your  passage  to  the  borders  of  our  country. 

"  The  invitation  was  transmitted  to  you  by  my  venerable  prede 
cessor,  himself  bound  to  you  by  the  strongest  ties  of  personal  friend 
ship  ;  himself  one  of  those  whom  the  highest  honors  of  his  country  had 
rewarded  for  blood  early  shed  in  her  cause,  and  for  a  long  life  of 


180  LIFE    OF    JOHN    CiUINCY    ADAMS. 

devotion  to  her  welfare.  By  him  the  services  of  a  national  ship 
were  placed  at  your  disposal.  Your  delicacy  preferred  a  more  pri 
vate  conveyance,  and  a  full  year  has  elapsed  since  you  landed  upon 
our  shores.  It  were  scarcely  an  exaggeration  to  say  that  it  has 
been  to  the  people  of  the  Union  a  year  of  uninterrupted  festivity 
and  enjoyment,  inspired  by  your  presence.  You  have  traversed  the 
twenty-four  States  of  this  great  confederacy — you  have  been  re 
ceived  with  rapture  by  the  survivors  of  your  earliest  companions  in 
arms — you  have  been  hailed,  as  a  long-absent  parent,  by  their  chil 
dren,  the  men  and  women  of  the  present  age ;  and  a  rising  genera 
tion,  the  hope  of  future  time,  in  numbers  surpassing  the  whole  popu 
lation  of  that  day  when  you  fought  at  the  head  and  by  the  side  of 
their  forefathers,  have  vied  with  the  scanty  remnants  of  that  hour 
of  trial,  in  acclamations  of  jov,  at  beholding  the  face  of  him  whom 
they  feel  to  be  the  common  benefactor  of  all.  You  have  heard  the 
mingled  voices  of  tho  past,  the  present,  and  the  future  age,  joining 
in  one  universal  chorus  of  delight  at  your  approach  ;  and  the  shouts 
of  unbidden  thousands,  which  greeted  your  landing  on  the  soil  of 
freedom,  have  followed  every  step  of  your  way,  and  still  resound 
like  the  rushing  of  many  waters,  from  every  corner  of  our  land. 

"  You  are  now  ahout  to  return  to  the  country  of  your  birth — of 
your  ancestors — of  your  posterity.  The  executive  Government  of 
the  Union,  stimulated  by  the  same  feeling  which  had  prompted  the 
Congress  to  the  designation  of  a  national  ship  for  your  accommoda 
tion  in  coming  hither,  has  destined  the  first  service  of  a  frigate,  re 
cently  launched  at  this  metropolis,  to  the  less  welcome,  but  equally 
distinguished  trust,  of  conveying  you  home.  The  name  of  the  ship 
has  added  one  more  memorial  to  distant  regions  and  to  future  ages, 
of  a  stream  already  memorable  at  once  in  the  story  of  your  suffer 
ings  and  of  our  independence. 

"  The  ship  is  now  prepared  for  your  reception,  and  equipped  for 
sea.  From  the  moment  of  her  departure,  the  prayers  of  millions 
will  ascend  to  heaven,  that  her  passage  may  be  prosperous,  and 
your  return  to  the  bosom  of  your  family  as  propitious  to  your  hap 
piness  as  your  visit  to  this  scene  of  your  youthful  glory  has  been 
to  that  of  the  American  people. 

"  Go  then,  our  beloved  friend  :  return  to  the  land  of  brilliant  ge 
nius,  of  generous  sentiments,  of  heroic  valor;  to  that  beautiful 
France,  the  nursing  mother  of  the  twelfth  Louis,  and  the  fourth 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  181 

Henry ;  to  the  native  soil  of  Bayard  and  Colrfne,  of  Turenne  and 
Catinat,  of  Fenelon  and  D' Aguesseau  !  In  that  illustrious  catalogue 
of  names,  which  she  claims  as  of  her  children,  and  with  honest  pride 
holds  up  to  the  admiration  of  other  nations,  the  name  of  LA  FAYETTE 
has  already  for  centuries  been  enrolled.  And  it  shall  henceforth 
burnish  into  brighter  fame  :  for,  if  in  after  days,  a  Frenchman  shall 
be  called  to  indicate  the  character  of  his  nation  by  that  of  one  indi 
vidual,  during  the  age  in  which  we  live,  the  blood  of  lofty  patriotism 
shall  mantle  in  his  cheek,  the  fire  of  conscious  virtue  shall  sparkle 
in  his  eye,  and  he  shall  pronounce  the  name  of  LA  FAYETTE.  Yet 
we,  too,  and  our  children  in  life,  and  after  death,  shall  claim  you 
for  our  own.  You  are  ours,  by  that  more  than  patriotic  self-devo 
tion  with  which  you  flew  to  the  aid  of  our  fathers  at  the  crisis  of 
their  fate :  ours  by  that  long  series  of  years  in  which  you  have 
cherished  us  in  your  regard :  ours  by  that  unshaken  sentiment  of 
gratitude  for  your  services,  which  is  a  precious  portion  of  our  in 
heritance  :  ours  by  that  tie  of  love,  stronger  then  death,  which  has 
linked  your  name,  for  the  endless  ages  of  time,  with  the  name  of 
WASHINGTON. 

"At  the  painful  moment  of  parting  from  you,  we  take  comfort  in 
the  thought,  that  wherever  you  may  be,  to  the  last  pulsation  of  your 
heart,  our  country  will  ever  be  present  to  your  affections ;  and  a 
cheering  consolation  assures  us  that  we  are  not  called  to  sorrow, 
most  of  all,  that  we  shall  see  your  face  no  more.  We  shall  in 
dulge  the  pleasing  anticipation  of  beholding  our  friend  again.  In 
the  mean  time,  speaking  in  the  name  of  the  whole  people  of  the 
United  States,  and  at  a  loss  only  for  language  to  give  utterance  to 
that  feeling  of  attachment  with  which  the  heart  of  the  nation 
beats,  as  beats  the  heart  of  one  man — I  bid  you  a  reluctant  and 
affectionate  FAREWELL  ! ! 

At  the  conclusion  of  this  address,  Gen.  La  Fayette 
replied  as  follows  : — • 

"  Amidst  all  my  obligations  to  the  General  Government,  and  par 
ticularly  to  you,  sir,  its  respected  Chief  Magistrate,  I  have  most 
thankfully  to  acknowledge  the  opportunity  given  me,  at  this  solemn 
$.nd  painful  moment,  to  present  the  people  of  the  United  States 
with  a  partino1  tribute  of  profound,  inexpressible  gratitude. 
H*  12 


182  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

"  To  have  been  in  the  infant  and  critical  days  of  these  States* 
adopted  by  them  as  a  favorite  son ;  to  have  participated  in  tho 
trials  and  perils  of  our  unspotted  struggle  for  independence,  free 
dom,  and  equal  rights,  and  in  the  foundation  of  the  American  era 
of  a  new  social  order,  which  has  already  pervaded  this,  and  musi , 
for  the  dignity  and  happiness  of  mankind,  successively  pervad) 
every  part  of  the  other  hemisphere ;  to  have  received,  at  every  stag  3 
of  the  revolution,  and  during  forty  years  after  that  period,  from  the 
people  of  the  United  States  and  their  Representatives  at  home  an  1 
abroad,  continual  marks  of  their  confidence  and  kindness, — ha  3 
been  the  pride,  the  encouragement,  the  support  of  a  long  and  event 
ful  life. 

"  But  how  could  I  find  words  to  acknowledge  that  series  of  wel 
comes,  those  unbounded  and  universal  displays  of  public  affection, 
which  have  marked  each  step,  each  hour,  of  a  twelvemonth's  prog 
ress  through  the  twenty-four  States,  and  which,  while  they  over 
whelm  my  heart  with  grateful  delight,  have  most  satisfactorily 
evinced  the  concurrence  of  the  people  in  the  kind  testimonies,  in  the 
immense  favors  bestowed  on  me  by  the  several  branches  of  their 
Representatives,  in  every  part  and  at  the  central  seat  of  the  con 
federacy  ? 

"  Yet  gratifications  still  higher  awaited  me.  In  the  wonders  of 
creation  and  improvement  that  have  met  my  enchanted  eye,  in  the 
unparalleled  and  self-felt  happiness  of  the  people,  in  their  rapid 
prosperity  and  insured  security,  public  and  private,  in  a  practice  of 
good  order,  the  appendage  of  true  freedom,  and  a  national  good 
sense,  the  final  arbiter  of  all  difficulties.  I  have  had  proudly  to  recog 
nize  a  result  of  the  republican  principles  for  which  we  have  fought, 
and  a  glorious  demonstration  to  the  most  timid  and  prejudiced 
minds,  of  the  superiority,  over  degrading  aristocracy  or  despotism, 
of  popular  institutions,  founded  on  the  plain  rights  of  man,  and 
where  the  local  rights  of  every  section  are  preserved  under  a  con 
stitutional  bond  of  union.  The  cherishing  of  that  union  between 
the  States,  as  it  has  been  the  farewell  entreaty  of  our  great  paternal 
Washington,  and  will  ever  have  the  dying  prayer,  of  every  Ameri 
can  patriot,  so  it  has  become  the  sacred  pledge  of  the  emancipation 
of  the  world  ;  an  object  in  which  I  am  happy  to  observe  that  the 
American  people,  while  they  give  the  animating  example  of  suc 
cessful  free  institutions,  in  return  for  an  evil  entailed  upon  them  by 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS.  183 

Europe,  and  of  which  a  liberal  and  enlightened  sense  is  every 
where  more  and  more  generally  felt,  show  themselves  every  day 
more  anxiously  interested. 

"  And  now,  sir,  how  can  I  do  justice  to  my  deep  and  lively  feel 
ings  for  the  assurances,  most  peculiarly  valued,  of  your  esteem 
and  friendship ;  for  your  so  very  kind  references  to  old  times — to  my 
beloved  associates — to  the  vicissitudes  of  my  life  ;  for  your  affecting 
picture  of  the  blessings  poured,  by  the  several  generations  of  the 
American  people,  on  the  remaining  days  of  a  delighted  veteran ;  for 
your  affectionate  remarks  on  this  sad  hour  of  separation — on  the 
country  of  my  birth,  full,  I  can  say,  of  American  sympathies — on 
the  hope,  so  necessary  to  me,  of  my  seeing  again  the  country  that 
has  deigned,  near  a  half  a  century  ago,  to  call  me  hers  ?  I  shall 
content  myself,  refraining  from  superfluous  repetitions,  at  once,  be 
fore  you,  sir,  and  this  respected  circle,  to  proclaim  my  cordial  con 
firmation  of  every  one  of  the  sentiments  which  I  have  had  daily 
opportunities  publicly  to  utter,  from  the  time  when  your  venerable 
predecessor,  my  old  brother  in  arms  and  friend,  transmitted  to  me 
the  honorable  invitation  of  Congress,  to  this  day,  when  you,  my 
dear  sir,  whose  friendly  connection  with  me  dates  from  your  earliest 
youth,  are  going  to  consign  me  to  the  protection,  across  the  Atlan 
tic,  of  the  heroic  national  flag,  on  board  the  splendid  ship,  the  name 
of  which  has  been  not  the  least  flattering  and  kind  among  the  num 
berless  favors  conferred  upon  me. 

"  God  bless  you,  sir,  and  all  who  surround  us.  God  bless  the 
American  people,  each  of  their  States,  and  the  Federal  Government. 
Accept  this  patriotic  farewell  of  an  overflowing  heart.  Such  will 
be  its  last  throb  when  it  ceases  to  beat." 


As  the  last  sentence  of  the  farewell  was  pronounced, 
La  Fayette  advanced  and  took  President  Adams  in  his 
arms,  while  tears  poured  down  his  venerable  cheeks. 
Retiring  a  few  paces,  he  was  overcome  by  his  feelings, 
and  again  returned,  and  falling  on  the  neck  of  Mr. 
Adams,  exclaimed  in  broken  accents,  "  God  bless  you  !" 
It  was  a  scene  at  once  solemn  and  moving,  as  the 


184  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

sighs  and  tears  of  many  who  witnessed  it  bore  testi' 
mony.  Having  recovered  his  self-possession,  the  Gen 
eral  stretched  out  his  hands,  and  was  in  a  moment 
surrounded  by  the  greetings  of  the  whole  assembly, 
who  pressed  upon  him,  each  eager  to  seize,  perhaps 
for  the  last  time,  that  beloved  hand  which  was  opened 
so  freely  for  our  aid  when  aid  was  so  precious,  and 
which  grasped  with  firm  and  undeviating  hold  the 
steel  which  so  bravely  helped  to  achieve  our  deliver 
ance.  The  expression  which  now  beamed  from  the 
face  of  this  exalted  man  was  of  the  finest  and  most 
touching  kind.  The  hero  was  lost  in  the  father  and 
the  friend.  Dignity  melted  into  subdued  affection, 
and  the  friend  of  Washington  seemed  to  linger  with 
a  mournful  delight  among  the  sons  of  his  adopted 
country. 

A  considerable  period  was  then  occupied  in  con 
versing  with  various  individuals,  while  refreshments 
were  presented  to  the  company.  The  moment  of 
departure  at  length  arrived  ;  and  having  once  more 
pressed  the  hand  of  Mr.  Adams,  he  entered  the  ba 
rouche,  accompanied  by  the  Secretaries  of  State,  of 
the  Treasury,  and  of  the  Navy,  and  passed  from  the 
capital  of  the  Union.  An  immense  procession  accom 
panied  him  to  the  banks  of  the  Potomac,  where  the 
steamboat  Mount  Vernon  awaited  to  convey  him  down 
the  river  to  the  frigate  Brandywine.  The  whole  scene 
— the  peals  of  artillery,  the  sounds  of  numerous  military 
bands,  the  presence  of  the  vast  concourse  of  people 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUIXCY    ADAMS.  185 

and  the  occasion  that  assembled  them,  produced  emo 
tions  not  easily  described,  but  which  every  American 
heart  can  readily  conceive.  As  the  steamboat  moved 
off,  the  deepest  silence  was  observed  by  the  whole 
multitude  that  lined  the  shore.  The  feelings  that  per 
vaded  them  was  that  of  children  bidding  farewell  to  a 
venerated  parent. 

When  the  boat  came  opposite  the  tomb  of  Wash 
ington,  at  Mount  Vernon,  it  paused  in  its  progress. 
La  Fayette  arose.  The  wonders  which  he  had  per 
formed,  for  a  man  of  his  age,  in  successfully  accomplish 
ing  labors  enough  to  have  tested  his  meridian  vigor, 
whose  animation  rather  resembled  the  spring  than  the 
winter  of  life,  now  seemed  unequal  to  the  task  he  was 
about  to  perform — to  take  a  last  look  at  "  The  tomb  of 
Washington  !"  He  advanced  to  the  effort.  A  silence 
the  most  impressive  reigned  around,  till  the  strains  of 
sweet  and  plaintive  music  completed  the  grandeur 
and  sacred  solemnity  of  the  scene.  All  hearts  beat  in 
unison  with  the  throbbings  of  the  veteran's  bosom,  as 
he  looked,  for  the  last  time,  on  the  sepulchre  which 
contained  the  ashes  of  the  first  of  men  !  He  spoke 
not,  but  appeared  absorbed  in  the  mighty  recollections 
which  the  place  and  the  occasion  inspired. 

After  this  scene,  the  boat  resumed  its  course,  and  the 
next  morning  anchored  in  safety  near  the  Brandy  wine. 
Here  La  Fayette  took  leave  of  the  Secretaries  of  State, 
the  Treasury,  and  the  Navy,  and  the  guests  who  had 
accompanied  him  from  Washington,  together  with 


186  LIFE    OF    JOHN     QUINCY    ADAMS. 

many  military  and  naval  officers  and  eminent  citizens 
who  had  assembled  in  various  crafts  near  the  frigate 
to  bid  him  farewell.  The  weather  had  been  boisterous 
arid  rainy,  but  just  as  the  affecting  scene  had  closed, 
the  sun  burst  forth  to  cheer  a  spectacle  which  will  long 
be  remembered,  and  formed  a  magnificent  arch,  reach 
ing  from  shore  to  shore — the  barque  which  was  to  bear 
the  venerable  chief  being  immediately  in  the  centre. 
Propitious  omen  !  Heaven  smiles  on  the  good  deeds 
of  men  !  And  if  ever  there  was  a  sublime  and  virtuous 
action  to  be  blessed  by  heaven  and  admired  by  men,  it 
is  when  a  free  and  grateful  people  unite  to  do  honor  to 
their  friend  and  benefactor  !* 

*  National  Intelligencer. 


CHAPTER   IX. 

JOHN    ADAMS    AND    THOMAS     JEFFERSON THEIR     CORRESPON 
DENCE THEIR     DEATH MR.    WEBSTER'S     EULOGY JOHN    Q. 

ADAMS  VISITS  QUINCT HIS  SPEECH  AT  THE    PUBLIC    SCHOOL 

DINNER    IN    FANEUIL    HALL. 

THE  patriarchs  John  Adams  and  Thomas  Jefferson 
still  lingered  on  the  shores  of  time.  The  former  had 
attained  the  good  old  age  of  90  years,  and  the  latter 
82.  Mrs.  Adams,  the  venerable  companion  of  the 
ex-President,  died  in  Quincy,  on  the  28th  of  Oct.,  1818, 
aged  74  years.  Although,  amid  the  various  political 
strifes  through  which  they  had  passed  during  the  half 
century  they  had  taken  prominent  parts  in  the  affairs 
of  their  country,  Adams  and  Jefferson  had  frequently 
been  arrayed  in  opposite  parties,  and  cherished  many 
views  quite  dissimilar,  yet  their  private  friendship  and 
deep  attachment  had  been  unbroken.  It  continued  to 
be  cherished  with  generous  warmth  to  the  end  of  their 
days.  This  pleasing  fact,  together  with  the  wonderful 
vigor  of  their  minds  in  extreme  old  age,  is  proved  by 
the  following  interesting  correspondence  between  them, 
which  took  place  four  years  before  their  decease  : — 


188  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 


MR.    JEFFERSON   TO   MR.   ADAMS. 

"  Monticello,  June  1,  1822. 

"  It  is  very  long1,  my  dear  sir,  since  I  have  written  to  you.  My 
dislocated  wrist  is  now  become  so  stiff,  that  I  write  slowly,  and  will: 
pain  ;  and  therefore  write  as  little  as  I  can.  Yet  it  is  due  to  mu 
tual  friendship,  to  ask  once  in  a  while  how  we  do  ?  The  papers  tol 
us  that  General  Starke  is  off,  at  the  age  of  ninety-three.  ****=* 
still  lives  at  about  the  same  age,  cheerful,  slender  as  a  grasshopper 
and  so  much  without  memory,  that  he  scarcely  recognizes  the  mem 
bers  of  his  household.  An  intimate  friend  of  his  called  on  him 
not  long  since.  It  was  difficult  to  make  him  recollect  who  he  was. 
and  sitting  one  hour,  he  told  him  the  same  story  four  times  over 
Is  this  life  ? — with  laboring  step 

'  To  tread  our  former  footsteps  ?  pace  the  round 
Eternal  ?— to  beat  and  beat 
The  beaten  track — to  see  what  we  have  seen — 
To  taste  the  tasted — o'er  our  palates  to  decant 
Another  vintage  ?' 

"  It  is,  at  most,  but  the  life  of  a  cabbage,  surely  not  worth  a  wish. 
When  all  our  faculties  have  left,  or  are  leaving  us,  one  by  one. 
sight,  hearing,  memory,  every  avenue  of  pleasing  sensation  is  closed, 
and  athumy,  debility,  and  mal-aise  left  in  their  places,  when  the 
friends  of  our  youth  are  all  gone,  and  a  generation  is  risen  around 
us  whom  we  know  not,  is  death  an  evil  ? 

'  When  one  by  one  our  ties  are  torn, 
And  friend  from  friend  is  snatch'd  forlorn  ; 
When  man  is  left  alone  to  mourn, 
Oh,  then,  how  sweet  it  is  to  die ! 

'When  trembling  limbs  refuse  their  weight, 
And  films  slow  gathering  dim  the  sight ; 
When  clouds  obscure  the  mental  light, 
Tis  nature's  kindest  boon  to  die !' 

"  I  really  think  so.  I  have  ever  dreaded  a  doting  old  age ;  and 
my  health  has  been  generally  so  good,  and  is  now  so  good,  that  I 
dread  it  still.  The  rapid  decline  of  my  strength  during  the  last 
winter,  has  made  me  hope  sometimes,  that  I  see  land.  During 
summer,  I  enjoy  its  temperature,  but  I  shudder  at  the  approach  of 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    ftUINCY    ADAMS.  189 

winter,  and  wish  I  could  sleep  through  it,  with  the  dormouse,  and 
only  wake  with  him  in  spring,  if  ever.  They  say  that  Starke  could 
walk  about  his  room.  I  am  told  you  walk  well  and  firmly.  I  can 
only  reach  rny  garden,  and  that  with  sensible  fatigue.  I  ride,  how 
ever,  daily  ;  but  reading  is  my  delight.  I  should  wish  never  to  put 
pen  to  paper ;  and  the  more  because  of  the  treacherous  practice 
some  people  have,  of  publishing  one's  letters  without  leave.  Lord 
Mansfield  declared  it  a  breach  of  trust,  and  punishable  at  law.  J 
think  it  should  be  a  penitentiary  felony ;  yet  you  will  have  seen 
that  they  have  drawn  me  out  into  the  arena  of  the  newspapers. 
Although  I  know  it  is  too  late  for  me  to  buckle  on  the  armor  of 
youth,  yet  my  indignation  would  not  permit  me  passively  to  receive 
the  kick  of  an  ass. 

"  To  return  to  the  news  of  the  day,  it  seems  that  the  cannibals 
of  Europe  are  going  to  eat  one  another  again.  A  war  between 
Russia  and  Turkey  is  like  the  battle  of  the  kite  and  snake ;  which 
ever  destroys  the  other,  leaves  a  destroyer  the  less  for  the  world. 
This  pugnacious  humor  of  mankind  seems  to  be  the  law  of  his 
nature  ;  one  of  the  obstacles  to  too  great  multiplication,  provided  in 
the  mechanism  of  the  universe.  The  cocks  of  the  hen-yard  kill 
one  another  ;  bears,  bulls,  rams,  do  the  same,  and  the  horse  in  his 
wild  state  kills  all  the  young  males,  until,  worn  down  with  age  and 
war,  some  vigorous  youth  kills  him.  ******!  hope  we  shall 
prove  how  much  happier  for  man  the  Quaker  policy  is,  and  that  the 
life  of  the  feeder  is  better  than  that  of  the  fighter.  And  it  is  some 
consolation  that  the  desolation  by  these  maniacs  of  one  part  of  the 
earth  is  the  means  of  improving  it  in  other  parts.  Let  the  latter 
be  our  office ;  and  let  us  milk  the  cow  while  the  Russian  holds  her 
by  the  horns,  and  the  Turk  by  the  tail.  God  bless  you,  and  give 
you  health,  strength,  good  spirits,  and  as  much  of  life  as  you  think 
worth  having.  THOMAS  JEFFERSON." 

MR.  ADAMS'    REPLY. 

"  Quincy,  June  11,  1822. 

"  DEAR  SIR  : — Half  an  hour  ago  I  received,  and  this  moment  have 
heard  read,  for  the  third  or  fourth  time,  the  best  letter  that  ever  was 
written  by  an  octogenarian,  dated  June  1st. 

********** 

"  I  have  not  sprained  my  wrist ;  but  both  my  arms  and  hands  are 


190  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

so  overstrained  that  I  cannot  write  a  line.  Poor  Starke  remem 
bered  nothing,  and  could  talk  of  nothing  but  the  battle  of  Benning- 
ton !  ********  is  not  quite  so  reduced.  I  cannot  mount  my 
horse,  but  I  can  walk  three  miles  over  a  rugged,  rocky  mountain, 
and  have  done  it  within  a  month ;  yet  I  feel,  when  sitting  in  my 
chair,  as  if  I  could  not  rise  out  of  it ;  and  when  risen,  as  if  I  could 
not  walk  across  the  room.  My  sight  is  very  dim,  hearing  pretty 
good,  memory  poor  enough. 

"  1  answer  your  question, — Is  death  an  evil  ?  It  is  not  an  evil. 
It  is  a  blessing  to  the  individual  and  to  the  world ;  yet  we  ought  not 
to  wish  for  it,  till  life  becomes  insupportable.  We  must  wait  the 
pleasure  and  convenience  of  the  '  Great  Teacher.'  Winter  is  as 
terrible  to  me  as  to  you.  I  am  almost  reduced  in  it  to  the  life  of  a 
bear  or  a  torpid  swallow.  I  cannot  read,  but  my  delight  is  to  hear 
others  read  ;  and  I  tax  all  my  friends  most  unmercifully  and  tyran 
nically  against  their  consent. 

"  The  ass  has  kicked  in  vain  ;  all  men  say  the  dull  animal  has 
missed  the  mark. 

"This  globe  is  a  theatre  of  war;  its  inhabitants  are  all  heroes. 
The  little  eels  in  vinegar,  and  the  animalcules  in  pepper-water,  I 
believe,  are  quarrelsome.  The  bees  are  as  warlike  as  the  Romans, 
Russians,  Britons,  or  Frenchmen.  Ants,  caterpillars,  and  canker- 
worms  are  the  only  tribes  among  whom  I  have  not  seen  battles ; 
and  Heaven  itself,  if  we  believe  Hindoos,  Jews,  Christians,  and 
Mahometans,  has  not  always  been  at  peace.  We  need  not  trouble 
ourselves  about  these  things,  nor  fret  ourselves  because  of  evil 
doers  ;  but  safely  trust  the '  Ruler  with  his  skies.'  Nor  need  we  dread 
the  approach  of  dotage  ;  let  it  come  if  it  must.  ******?  it  seems, 
still  delights  in  his  four  stories  ;  and  Starke  remembered  to  the  last 
his  Bennington,  and  exulted  in  his  glory  ;  the  worst  of  the  evil  is, 
that  our  friends  will  suffer  more  by  our  imbecility  than  we  ourselves. 
********* 

"  In  wishing  for  your  health  and  happiness,  I  am  very  selfish  ; 
for  I  hope  for  more  letters.  This  is  worth  more  than  five  hundreo 
dollars  to  me ;  for  it  has  already  given  me,  and  will  continue  to  give 
me,  more  pleasure  than  a  thousand.  Mr.  Jay,  who  is  about  your 
age,  I  am  told,  experiences  more  decay  than  you  do. 
"  I  am  your  old  friend, 

"JOHN  ADAMS." 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    UUINCY    ADAMS.  191 

This  correspondence  excited  attention  in  Europe. 
The  editor  of  the  London  Morning  Chronicle  prefaces 
it  with  the  following  remarks  : — 

"  What  a  contrast  the  following  correspondence  of  the  two  rival 
Presidents  of  the  greatest  Republic  of  the  world,  reflecting  an  old 
age  dedicated  to  virtue,  temperance,  and  philosophy,  presents  to  the 
heart-sickening  details,  occasionally  disclosed  to  us,  of  the  miser 
able  beings  who  fill  the  thrones  of  the  continent.  There  is  not,  per 
haps,  one  sovereign  of  the  continent,  who  in  any  sense  of  the  word 
can  be  said  to  honor  our  nature,  while  many  make  us  almost 
ashamed  of  it.  The  curtain  is  seldom  drawn  aside  without  exhibit 
ing  to  us  beings  worn  out  with  vicious  indulgence,  diseased  in 
mind,  if  not  in  body,  the  creatures  of  caprice  and  insensibility.  On 
the  other  hand,  since  the  foundation  of  the  American  Republic,  the 
chair  has  never  been  filled  by  a  man,  for  whose  life  (to  say  the 
least,)  any  American  need  once  to  blush.  It  must,  therefore,  be 
some  compensation  to  the  Americans  for  the  absence  of  pure  mon 
archy,  that  when  they  look  upwards  their  eyes  are  not  always 
met  by  vice,  and  meannesss,  and  often  idiocy." 

John  Adams  joined  his  fellow-citizens  of  Quincy, 
Mass.,  in  celebrating  the  4th  of  July,  1823,  at  the  age 
of  88  years.  Being  called  upon  for  a  toast,  he  gave 
the  following  : — 

"  The  excellent  President,  Governor,  Ambassador,  and  Chief  Jus 
tice,  JOHN  JAY,  whose  name,  by  accident,  was  not  subscribed  on  the 
DECLARATION  OF  INDEPENDENCE,  as  it  ought  to  have  been,  for  he 
was  one  of  its  ablest  and  faithfullest  supporters. — A  splendid  star 
just  setting  below  the  horizon." 

It  would  be  difficult  (said  the  Boston  Patriot,)  fully 
'to  describe  the  delicate  manner  in  which  this  toast 
\vas  received  and  noticed  by  the  company.  Instead 
of  loud  acclamations,  which  succeeded  the  other  toasts, 


192  LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS. 

it  was  followed,  by  soft  and  interrupted  interjections 
and  aspirations,  as  if  each  individual  was  casting  up  an 
ejaculatory  prayer,  that  the  two  illustrious  sages  might 
pass  the  remainder  of  their  days  in  tranquillity  and  ease, 
and  finally  be  landed  on  the  blissful  shores  of  a  happy 
eternity. 

In  September,  1825,  President  Adams,  with  his  fam 
ily,  left  Washington,  on  a  visit  to  his  venerable  father, 
at  Quincy.  He  travelled  without  ostentation,  and  espe 
cially  requested  that  no  public  display  might  be  mani 
fested.  At  Philadelphia,  Mrs.  Adams  was  taken  ill,  and 
the  President  was  compelled  to  proceed  without  her. 
This  visit  was  of  short  duration.  Called  back  to 
Washington  by  public  affairs,  he  left  Quincy  on  the 
14th  of  October.  It  was  his  last  interview  on  earth 
with  his  venerated  parent.  The  aged  patriarch  had 
lived  to  see  his  country  emancipated  from  foreign  thral 
dom,  its  independence  acknowledged,  its  union  con 
summated,  its  prosperity  and  perpetuity  resting  on  an 
immovable  foundation,  and  his  son  elevated  to  the 
highest  office  in  its  gift.  It  was  enough !  His  work 
accomplished — the  book  of  his  eventful  life  written  and 
sealed  for  immortality — he  was  ready  to  depart  and  be 
at  peace. 

The  4th  of  July,  1826,  will  long  be  memorable  for 
one  of  the  most  remarkable  coincidences  that  has 
ever  taken  place  in  the  history  of  nations.  It  was  the 
fiftieth  anniversary — the  "JUBILEE" — of  American  inde 
pendence  !  Preparations  had  been  made  throughout 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  193 

tne  Union,  to  celebrate  the  day  with  unusual  pomp 
and  display.  John  Adams  and  Thomas  Jefferson  had 
both  been  invited  to  participate  in  the  festivities  of  the 
occasion,  at  their  several  places  of  abode.  But  a  higher 
summons  awaited  them !  they  were  bidden  to  a 
"jubilee"  above,  which  shall  have  no  end!  On  that 
half-century  anniversary  of  American  Independence, 
at  nearly  the  same  hour  of  the  day,  the  spirits  of 
Adams  and  Jefferson  took  their  departure  from  earth  ! ! 
Amid  the  rejoicings  of  the  people,  the  peals  of  artillery, 
the  strains  of  music,  the  exultations  of  a  great  nation 
in  the  enjoyment  of  freedom,  peace,  and  happiness,  they 
were  released  from  the  toils  of  life,  and  allowed  to  en 
ter  on  their  rest. 

The  one  virtually  the  mover,  the  other  the  framer,  of 
the  immortal  Declaration  of  Independence — they  had 
together  shared  the  dangers  and  the  honors  of  the  rev 
olution — had  served  their  country  in  various  impor 
tant  and  responsible  capacities — had  both  received  the 
highest  honors  in  the  gift  of  their  fellow-citizens — had 
lived  to  see  the  nation  to  which  they  assisted  in  giving 
birth  assume  a  proud  stand  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth — her  free  institutions  framed,  consolidated,  tried, 
and  matured — her  commerce  hovering  over  all  seas — 
respected  abroad,  united,  prosperous,  happy  at  home — 
what  more  had  earth  in  store  for  them  ?  Together 
they  had  counselled — together  they  had  dared  the 
power  of  a  proud  and  powerful  Government — together 
they  had  toiled  to  build  up  a  great  and  prosperous  peo- 


194  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

pie — together  they  rejoiced  in  the  success  with  which 
a  wise  and  good  Providence  had  crowned  their  labors 
— and  together,  on  their  country's  natal  day,  amid  the 
loud-swelling  acclamations  of  the  "national  jubilee/' 
their  freed  spirits  soared  to  light  and  glory  above  ! 
The  venerable  ex-President  Adams  had  been  failing 

o 

for  several  days  before  the  4th  of  July.  In  reply  to  an 
invitation  from  a  committee  of  the  citizens  of  Quincy, 
to  unite  with  them  in  celebrating  the  fiftieth  anniver 
sary  of  American  independence,  he  had  written  a  note, 
from  which  the  following  is  an  extract : — 

"  The  present  feeble  state  of  my  health  will  not  permit  me  to  in 
dulge  the  hope  of  participating  with  more  than  my  best  wishes,  in 
the  joys,  and  festivities,  and  the  solemn  services  of  that  day  on 
which  will  be  completed  the  fiftieth  year  from  its  birth,  of  the  inde 
pendence  of  the  United  States  :  a  memorable  epoch  in  the  annals 
of  the  human  race,  destined  in  future  history  to  form  the  brightest 
or  the  blackest  page,  according  to  the  use  or  the  abuse  of  those  po 
litical  institutions  by  which  they  shall,  in  time  to  come,  be  shaped 
by  the  human  mind." 

Being  solicited  for  a  toast,  to  accompany  the  letter, 
he  gave — "  INDEPENDENCE  FOREVER  ! !"  He  was  asked 
if  anything  should  be  added  to  it.  Immediately  he 
replied — "Not  a  word  /"  This  toast  was  drank  at  the 
celebration  in  Quincy,  about  fifty  minutes  before  the 
departure  of  the  venerated  statesman  from  earth. 

On  the  morning  of  the  4th,  which  was  ushered  in 
by  the  ringing  of  bells  and  firing  of  cannon,  he  was 
asked  if  he  knew  what  day  it  was  ? — "  O  yes,"  he  re 
plied,  "  it  is-  the  glorious  fourth  of  July — God  bless  it  1 — 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  195 

God  bless  you  all ! !"  In  the  course  of  the  day  he 
said,  "It  is  a  great  and  glorious  day."  The  last  words 
he  uttered  were,  "  Jefferson  survives  !"  But  the  spirit 
of  Jefferson  had  already  left  the  body,  and  was  hover 
ing  over  the  earth,  to  accompany  his  to  higher  and 
brighter  scenes  of  existence  ! ! 

Mr.  Jefferson  had  been  sensible  for  some  days,  that 
his  last  hour  was  at  hand.  He  conversed  with  his 
family  and  friends,  with  the  utmost  composure,  of  his 
departure,  and  gave  directions  concerning  his  coffin 
and  his  funeral.  He  was  desirous  that  the  latter 
should  take  place  at  Monticello,  and  that  it  should  be 
without  any  display  or  parade.  On  Monday  he  in 
quired  the  day  of  the  month  ?  Being  told  it  was  the 
3d  of  July,  he  expressed  an  earnest  desire  that  he 
might  be  allowed  to  behold  the  light  of  the  next  day — 
the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  American  independence. 
His  prayer  was  heard  and  answered.  He  beheld  the 
rising  of  that  sun  on  the  morning  of  the  4th,  which 
was  to  set  on  a  nation  mourning  the  loss  of  two  of  its 
noblest  benefactors,  and  its  brightest  ornaments.  He 
was  cheerful  to  the  last.  A  day  or  two  previous,  being 
in  great  pain,  he  said  to  his  physician — "  Well,  doctor, 
a  few  hours  more,  and  the  struggle  will  be  over." 

On  the  morning  of  the  last  day,  as  the  physician  en 
tered  his  apartment,  he  said,  "  You  see,  doctor,  I  am 
here  yet."  On  a  member  of  his  family  expressing  an 
opinion  that  he  was  better,  he  replied,  with  evident  im 
patience — "  Do  not  imagine  for  a  moment  that  I  feel 


196  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

the  smallest  solicitude  as  to  the  result."  Some  individ 
ual  present  uttering  a  hope  that  he  might  recover,  he 
asked  with  a  smile — "  Do  you  think  I  fear  to  die  ?" 
Thus  departed  Thomas  Jefferson.  His  last  words 
were — "  I  resign  my  soul  to  my  God,  and  my  daughter 
to  my  country  !" 

President  J.  Q.  Adams  receiving  intelligence  at 
Washington  of  the  illness  of  his  father,  started  im 
mediately  for  Quincy.  Shortly  before  arriving  at  Bal 
timore,  tidings  reached  him  that  the  patriarcli  had  gone 
to  his  rest.  Mr.  Adams  pursued  his  journey,  but  did 
not  arrive  at  Quincy  in  season  to  be  present  at  the 
funeral.  This  took  place  on  the  7th  of  July.  It  was 
attended  by  a  large  body  of  citizens,  assembled  from 
the  surrounding  region.  The  funeral  services  took 
place  at  the  Unitarian  church  in  Quincy,  on  which 
occasion  an  impressive  discourse  was  delivered  by  the 
Pastor,  Rev.  Mr.  Whitney.  The  pall-bearers  were 
Judge  Davis,  President  Kirkland,  Gov.  Lincoln,  Hon. 
Mr.  Greenleaf,  Judge  Story,  and  Lieut.  Gov.  Win- 
throp.  During  the  exercises  and  the  moving  of  the 
procession,  minute  guns  were  fired  from  Mount  Wal- 
laston,  and  from  various  eminences  in  the  adjoining 
towns,  and  every  mark  of  respect  was  paid  to  the 
remains  of  one  who  filled  so  high  a  place  in  the  history 
of  his  country  and  the  regard  of  his  fellow-citizens. 

On  the    2d    of  August,  Mr.  Webster  delivered  a 
eulogy  on  the  death  of  Adams  and  Jefferson,  before 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  197 

the  city  authorities  of  Boston,  and  a  vast  body  of 
people,  in  Faneuil  Hall.  President  Adams  was  pres 
ent.  It  was  one  of  Mr.  Webster's  most  eloquent  and 
successful  attempts.  He  commenced  as  follows : — 

"  This  is  an  unaccustomed  spectacle.  For  the  first  time,  fellow- 
citizens,  badges  of  mourning  shroud  the  columns  and  overhang  the 
arches  of  this  hall.  These  walls,  which  were  consecrated,  so  long 
ago,  to  the  cause  of  American  liberty,  which  witnessed  her  infant 
struggles  and  rung  with  the  shouts  of  her  earliest  victories,  proclaim 
now,  that  distinguished  friends  and  champions  of  that  great  cause 
have  fallen.  It  is  right  that  it  should  be  thus.  The  tears  which 
flow,  and  the  honors  that  are  paid,  when  the  Founders  of  the  Repub 
lic  die,  give  hope  that  the  Republic  itself  may  be  immortal.  It  is 
fit,  that  by  public  assembly  and  solemn  observance,  by  anthem  and 
by  eulogy,  we  commemorate  the  services  of  national  benefactors,  ex 
tol  their  virtues,  and  render  thanks  to  God  for  eminent  blessings, 
early  given  and  long  continued  to  our  favored  country. 

"  ADAMS  and  JEFFEIISON  are  no  more  ;  and  we  are  assembled, 
fellow-citizens,  the  aged,  the  middle-aged  and  the  young,  by  the 
spontaneous  impulse  of  all,  under  the  authority  of  the  municipal 
government,  with  the  presence  of  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  com 
monwealth,  and  others  of  its  official  representatives,  the  university, 
and  the  learned  societies,  to  bear  our  part  in  these  manifestations  of 
respect  and  gratitude,  which  universally  pervade  the  land.  ADAMS 
and  JEFFERSON  are  no  more.  On  our  fiftieth  anniversary,  the  great 
national  jubilee,  in  the  very  hour  of  public  rejoicing,  in  the  midst  of 
echoing  and  re-echoing  voices  of  thanksgiving,  while  their  own 
names  were  on  all  tongues,  they  took  their  flight  together  to  the 
world  of  spirits." 

The  conclusion  of  Mr.  Webster's  eulogy  was  equally 
impressive  : 

"  Fellow-citizens :  I  will  detain  you  no  longer  by  this  faint  and 

feeble  tribute  to  the  illustrious  dead.     Even  in  other  hands,  adequate 

justice  could  not  be  performed,  within  the  limits  of  this  occasion. 

Their  highest,  their  best  praise,  is  your  deep  conviction  of  their 

I  13 


198  LIFE    OF    JOHN   aUINCY    ADAMS. 

merits,  your  affectionate  gratitude  for  their  labors  and  services.  It 
is  not  my  voice,  it  is  this  cessation  of  ordinary  pursuits,  this  arrest 
ing  of  all  attention,  those  solemn  ceremonies,  and  this  crowded 
house,  which  speak  their  eulogy.  Their  fame,  indeed,  is  sa  e. 
That  is  now  treasured  up,  beyond  the  reach  of  accident.  Although 
no  sculptured  marble  should  rise  to  their  memory,  nor  engraved  sto  le 
bear  record  to  their  deeds,  yet  will  their  remembrance  be  as  lasti  ig 
as  the  land  they  honored.  Marble  columns  may,  indeed,  moulder 
into  dust,  time  may  erase  all  impress  from  the  crumbling  stone,  bat 
their  fame  remains  ;  for  with  American  liberty  it  rose,  and  w  th 
American  liberty  only  can  it  perish.  It  was  the  last  swelling  p(  al 
of  yonder  choir — '  THEIR  BODIES  ARE  BURIED  IN  PEACE,  B  JT 
THEIR  NAME  LiVETii  EVERMORE  !'  I  catch  that  solemn  song,  I 
echo  that  lofty  strain  of  funeral  triumph  !  '  Their  name  tiielh  ei',r- 
more.' 

******** 

"It  cannot  be  denied,  but  by  those  who  would  dispute  against 
the  sun,  that  with  America,  and  in  America,  a  new  era  comment  os 
in  human  affairs.  This  era  is  distinguished  by  free  representative 
governments,  by  entire  religious  liberty,  by  improved  systems  of  iui 
tional  intercourse,  by  a  newly-awakened  and  an  unconquerable  spirix 
of  free  inquiry,  and  by  a  diffusion  of  knowledge  through  the  co  n- 
munity,  such  as  has  been  before  altogether  unknown  and  unheard 
of.  America,  America,  our  country,  fellow-citizens,  our  own  dear 
and  native  land,  is  inseparably  connected,  fast  bound  up,  in  fortune 
and  by  fate,  with  these  great  interests.  If  they  fall,  we  fall  with 
them ;  if  they  stand,  it  will  be  because  we  have  upholden  them. 
Let  us  contemplate,  then,  this  connection,  which  binds  the  prosperity 
of  others  to  our  own  ;  and  let  us  manfully  discharge  all  the  diuios 
which  it  imposes.  If  we  cherish  the  virtues  and  the  principles  of 
our  fathers,  heaven  will  assist  us  to  carry  on  the  work  of  human 
liberty,  and  human  happiness.  Auspicious  omens  cheer  us  :  great 
examples  are  before  us  :  our  own  firmament  now  shines  brightly 
upon  our  path:  WASHINGTON  is  in  the  clear  upper  sky.  These 
other  stars  have  now  joined  the  American  constellation  ;  they  circle 
around  their  centre,  and  the  heavens  beam  with  a  new  light,  lie- 
neath  this  illumination,  let  us  walk  the  course  of  life,  and  at  its 
close  devoutly  commend  our  beloved  country,  the  common  parent  of 
us  all,  to  the  Divine  Benignity." 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  199 

During  this  visit  at  the  East,  at  this  time,  President 
J.  Q.  Adams  attended  the  annual  examination  of  the 
public  schools  in  Boston,  and  was  present  at  the  public 
dinner  given  in  Faneuil  Hall,  to  the  school  committee, 
teachers,  and  most  meritorious  scholars.  In  reply  to 
a  complimentary  toast  from  the  Mayor,  Mr.  Adams 
responded  as  follows  : — 

"  MR.  MAYOR,  AND  MY  FELLOW-CITIZENS  OF  BOSTON  : — A  few  days 
since,  we  were  assembled  in  this  Hall,  as  the  house  of  mourning — 
in  commemoration  of  the  two  last  survivors  of  that  day  which  had 
proclaimed  at  once  our  independence  and  our  existence  as  a  nation. 
We  are  now  assembled  within  the  same  walls,  at  the  house  of 
feasting — at  the  festival  of  fathers  rejoicing  in  the  progressive 
improvement  of  their  children. 

"  We  have  been  told  by  the  wisest  man  of  antiquity,  that  it  is 
better  to  go  to  the  house  of  mourning,  than  to  the  house  of  feasting. 
Ho\v  emphatically  true  would  that  sentence  be,  if  the  house  of 
mourning  were  always  such  as  this  hall  but  so  recently  exhibited  ! 
— a  mourning  of  gratitude — a  mourning  of  faithful  affection — a 
mourning  full  of  consolation  and  joy.  And  yet,  could  the  wisest 
of  men  now  look  down  upon  this  happy  meeting — of  parents  par 
taking  together  of  the  bounties  of  Providence,  in  mutual  gratulation 
with  each  other  at  the  advances  of  their  offspring  in  moral  and 
intellectual  cultivation — would  he,  could  he,  my  friends,  have  said 
that  it  is  better  to  go  to  the  house  of  mourning  than  to  such  a  house 
of  feasting  ? 

"  For  is  not  the  spirit  of  that  solemnity,  and  of  this,  effectively 
the  same  ?  If  that  was  the  commemoration  of  the  good  deeds  of 
your  forefathers,  may  not  this  be  called  the  commemoration  of  the 
future  achievements  of  your  sons  ?  If  that  day  was  dedicated  to 
the  blessed  memory  of  the  past,  is  not  this  devoted  to  the  no  less 
blessed  hope  of  the  future  ?  It  was  from  schools  of  public  instruc 
tion,  instituted  by  our  forefathers,  that  the  light  burst  forth.  It  was 
in  the  primary  schools ;  it  was  by  the  midnight  lamps  of  Harvard 
hall,  that  were  conceived  and  matured,  as  it  was  within  these  hal- 


200  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUIXCY    ADAMS. 

lowed  walls  that  were  first  resounded  the  accents  of  that  independ 
ence  which  is  now  canonized  in  the  memory  of  those  by  whom 
it  was  proclaimed. 

"  Was  it  not  there  that  were  formed,  to  say  nothing  of  him  '  fit 
for  the  praise  of  any  tongue  but  mine.' — but  was  it  not  there  that 
were  formed,  and  prepared  for  the  conflicts  of  the  mind,  for  the 
intellectual  warfare  which  distinguishes  your  Revolution  from  all 
the  brutal  butcheries  of  vulgar  war,  your  James  Otis,  your  John 
Hancock,  your  Samuel  Adams,  your  Robert  Treat  Paine,  your 
Elbridgc  Gerry,  your  James  and  your  Joseph  Warren,  and  last, 
not  least,  your  Josiah  Quincy,  so  worthily  represented  by  your 
Chief  Magistrate  here  at  my  side  ? 

"  Indulge  me,  fellow-citizens,  with  the  remark,  that  I  have  been 
called  to  answer  to  myself  these  questions,  before  I  could  enjoy  the 
happiness,  at  the  very  kind  invitation  of  your  Mayor  and  Aldermen, 
of  presenting  myself  among  you  this  day. 

"  In  conformity  to  my  own  inclinations,  and  to  the  usages  of 
society,  I  have  deemed  it  proper,  on  the  recent  bereavement  1  have 
sustained,  to  withdraw  for  a  time  from  the  festive  intercourse  of 
the  world,  and  in  retirement,  so  far  as  may  be  consistent  with  the 
discharge  of  public  trusts,  to  prepare  for  and  perform  the  additional 
duties  devolving  upon  me,  as  a  son,  and  as  a  parent,  from  this 
visitation  of  heaven.  To  that  retirement  I  have  hitherto  been  con 
fined ;  and  in  departing  from  it  for  a  single  day,  I  have  needed  an 
apology  to  myself,  as  I  trust  I  shall  need  one  to  you.  Seek  for 
it,  rny  fellow-citizens  in  your  own  paternal  hearts.  I  have  been 
unable  to  resist  the  invitation  of  the  authorities  of  this  my  own 
almost  native  city,  to  mingle  with  her  inhabitants  in  the  joyous 
festivities  of  this  occasion — and,  after  witnessing,  in  the  visitation 
of  the  schools,  hundreds  and  thousands  of  the  rising  generation 
training  '  up  in  the  way  they  should  go ;'  to  come  here  and  behold 
the  distinguished  proficients  of  the  schools  sharing  at  the  social 
board  the  pleasures  of  their  fathers,  and  to  congratulate  trie 
fathers  on  the  growing  virtues  and  brightening  talents  of  their 
children. 

"  But,  fellow-citizens,  I  will  no  longer  trespass  upon  your  indul 
gence.  I  thank  you  for  the  sentiment  with  which  you  have 
honored  me.  I  thank  you  for  the  many  affecting  testimonials  of 
kindness  and  sympathy  which  I  have  so  often  received  at  your 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    O.UINCY    ADAMS.  201 

hands ;  and  will  give  you  as  a  token  of  my  good  wishes,  not  your 
selves,  but  objects  dearer  to  your  hearts.  Mr.  Mayor,  I  propose  to 
you  for  a  toast — 

"  The  blooming  youth  of  Boston — May  the  maturity  of  the  fruit 
be  equal  to  the  promise  of  the  blossom." 


CHAPTER    X. 

MR.  ADAMS'S  ADMINISTRATION — REFUSES  TO  REMOVE  POLITICAL 

OPPOSERS    FROM     OFFICE URGES    THE    IMPORTANCE    OF    IN 
TERNAL    IMPROVEMENTS APPOINTS    COMMISSIONERS    TO    THE 

CONGRESS    OF    PANAMA HIS    POLICY     TOWARD    THE    INDIAN 

TRIBES  HIS     SPEECH     ON     BREAKING     GROUND     FOR     THE 

CHESAPEAKE     AND     OHIO     CANAL BITTER     OPPOSITION     TO 

HIS    ADMINISTRATION FAILS   OF  RE-ELECTION   TO    THE  PRES 
IDENCY RETIRES    FROM    OFFICE. 

IN  administering  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  Mr.  Adams  adhered  with  rigid  fidelity  to  the 
principles  embodied  in  his  inaugural  speech.  Believ 
ing  that  "  the  will  of  the  people  is  the  source,  and  the 
happiness  of  the  people  the  end,  of  all  legitimate  govern 
ment  on  earth,"  it  was  his  constant  aim  to  act  up  to 
this  patriotic  principle  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties 
as  chief  magistrate.  He  was  emphatically  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  entire  people,  and  not  of  a  section,  or  a 
party.  His  administration  was  truly  national  in  its 
scope,  its  objects,  and  its  results.  His  views  of  the 
sacred  nature  of  the  trust  imposed  upon  him  by  his 
fellow-citizens  were  too  exalted  to  allow  him  to  des 
ecrate  the  power  with  which  it  clothed  him  to  the  pro 
motion  of  party  or  personal  interests.  Although  not 
anmindful  of  the  party  which  elevated  him  to  the 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS.  203 

presidency,  nor  forgetful  of  the  claims  of  those  who 
yielded  sympathy  and  support  to  the  measures  of  his 
administration,  yet  in  all  his  doings  in  this  respect,  his 
primary  aim  was  the  general  good.  Simply  a  friend 
ship  for  him,  or  his  measures,  without  other  and  requi 
site  qualifications,  would  not  ensure  from  Mr.  Adams 
an  appointment  to  office.  Neither  did  an  opposition 
to  his  administration  alone,  except  there  was  a  marked 
practical  unfitness  for  office,  ever  induce  him  to  remove 
an  individual  from  a  public  station. 

Looking  back  to  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams 
from  the  present  day,  and  comparing  it  with  those 
which  have  succeeded  it,  or  even  those  which  preceded 
it,  the  acknowledgment  must  be  made  by  all  candid 
minds,  that  it  will  lose  nothing  in  purity,  patriotism, 
and  fidelity,  in  the  discharge  of  all  its  trusts.  He  was 
utterly  incapable  of  proscription  for  opinion's  sake. 
With  a  stern  integrity  worthy  the  highest  admira 
tion,  and  which  the  people  at  that  period  were  far  too 
slow  to  acknowledge  and  appreciate,  he  would  not  dis 
place  his  most  active  political  opponents  from  public 
stations  he  found  them  occupying,  provided  they  were 
competent  to  their  duty  and  faithful  in  the  discharge 
of  the  same.  "  It  was  in  my  hearing  that,  to  a  repre 
sentation  that  a  certain  important  and  influential 
functionary  of  the  General  Government  in  New  York 
was  using  the  power  of  his  office  adversely  to  Mr. 
Adams's  re-election,  and  that  he  ought  to  desist  or 
be  removed,  Mr.  Adams  made  this  reply : — '  That 


204  LIFE    OF    JOHN     Q.U1NCY    ADAMS. 

gentleman  is  one  of  the  best  officers  in  the  public 
service.  I  have  had  occasion  to  know  his  diligence, 
exactness,  and  punctuality.  On  public  grounds,  there 
fore,  there  is  no  cause  of  complaint  against  him, 
and  upon  no  other  will  I  remove  him.  If  I  cannot 
administer  the  Government  on  these  principles,  I  am 
content  to  go  back  to  Quincy  /' "  Being  in  Baltimore 
on  a  certain  occasion,  among  those  introduced  to  him 
was  a  gentleman  who  accosted  him  thus — "Mr. 
President,  though  I  differ  from  you  in  opinion,  I  am 
glad  to  find  you  in  good  health."  The  President  gave 
him  a  hearty  shake  of  the  hand,  and  replied, — "  Sir,  in 
our  happy  and  free  country,  we  can  differ  in  opinion 
without  being  enemies." 

These  anecdotes  illustrate  the  character  and  prin 
ciples  of  Mr.  Adams.  He  knew  nothing  of  the 
jealousy  and  bitterness  which  are  gendered,  in  little 
minds  and  hearts,  by  disparities  of  sentiment.  Free 
dom  of  opinion  he  considered  the  birthright  of  every 
American  citizen,  and  he  would  in  no  instance  be  the 
instrument  of  inflicting  punishment  upon  the  head  of 
any  man  on  account  of  its  exercise.  High  and  pure 
in  all  his  aims,  he  sought  to  reach  them  by  means  of 
a  corresponding  character.  If  he  could  not  succeed 
in  the  use  of  such  instruments,  he  was  content  to  meet 
defeat.  The  rule  by  which  he  was  governed  in  the 
discharge  of  his  official  duties,  is  beautifully  expressed 
by  the  dramatic  bard  : — 

*  King's  Eulogy  on  John  Quincy  Adams. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUlNCY    ADAMS.  205 

"  Be  just  and  fear  not. 

Let  all  the  ends  thou  aim'st  at,  be  thy  COUNTRY'S, 
Thy  GOD'S,  and  TRUTH'S.     Then  if  thou  fall'st,  O  Cromwell, 
Thou  fall'st  a  blessed  martyr !" 

In  the  truly  republican  position  which  Mr.  Adams 
took  in  regard  to  appointments  to  office,  and  which, 
it  is  humiliating  to  believe,  was  one  means  of  his 
subsequent  defeat,  he  but  faithfully  imitated  the  ex 
ample  of  "the  Father  of  his  country."  When  Gen. 
Washington  occupied  the  presidential  chair,  applica 
tion  was  made  for  the  appointment  of  one  of  his  old 
and  intimate  friends  to  a  lucrative  office.  At  the  same 
time  a  petition  was  received  asking  the  same  station 
for  a  most  determined  political  opponent.  The  latter 
received  the  appointment.  The  friend  was  greatly  dis 
appointed  and  hurt  in  his  feelings  at  his  defeat.  Let  the 
explanation  of  Washington  be  noted  and  ever  remem 
bered  : — "  My  friend,"  said  he,  "  I  receive  with  cordial 
welcome.  He  is  welcome  to  my  house,  and  welcome 
to  my  heart ;  but  with  all  his  good  qualities  he  is  not  a 
man  of  business.  His  opponent,  with  all  his  politics 
so  hostile  to  me,  is  a  man  of  business.  My  private 
feelings  have  nothing  to  do  in  the  case.  I  am  not 
George  Washington,  but  President  of  the  United 
States.  As  George  Washington,  I  would  do  this  man 
any  kindness  in  my  power — as  President  of  the  United 
States,  I  can  do  nothing." 


The  period  of  Mr.  Adams's  administration,  was  not 
I* 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

one  which  admitted  of  acts  calculated  to  rivet  tho 
attention,  or  excite  the  admiration  and  applause  of  tho 
multitude.  No  crisis  occurred  in  national  affairs — no 
imminent  peril  from  without,  or  danger  within,  threat 
ened  the  well-being  of  the  country  !  Quietness  reigned 
throughout  the  world,  and  the  nations  were  allowed 
once  more  to  cultivate  the  arts  of  peace,  to  enlarge  th<5 
operations  of  commerce,  and  to  fix  their  attention  on 
domestic  interests — the  only  true  fountain  of  national 
prosperity.  But  though  lacking  in  some  of  the  mor<; 
striking  elements  of  popularity,  the  administration  of 
Mr.  Adams  was  pre-eminently  useful  in  all  its  measure.* 
and  influences.  During  no  Presidential  term  since  tho 
organization  of  the  Government,  has  more  been  done; 
to  consolidate  the  Union,  and  develop  its  resources, 
and  lay  the  foundations  of  national  strength  and 
prosperity. 

The  two  great  interests  which,  perhaps,  received  the 
largest  share  of  attention  from  Mr.  Adams'  adminis 
tration,  were  internal  improvements  and  domestic  man 
ufactures.  A  special  attention  to  these  subjects  was 
recommended  in  his  messages  to  Congress.  And 
throughout  his  term,  he  failed  not  to  urge  these  vita! 
matters  upon  the  attention  of  the  people,  and  their  rep 
resentatives.  He  recommended  the  opening  of  national 
roads  and  canals — the  improvement  of  the  navigation 
of  rivers,  and  the  safety  of  harbors — the  survey  of  our 
coasts,  the  erection  of  light  houses,  piers,  and  break 
waters.  Whatever  tended  to  facilitate  communication 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  207 

and  transportation  between  extreme  portions  of  the 
Union — to  bring  the  people  of  distant  sections  into  a 
more  direct  intercourse  with  each  other,  and  bind  them 
together  by  ties  of  a  business,  social  and  friendly  nature 
— to  promote  enterprize,  industry,  and  enlarged  views 
of  national  and  individual  prosperity — obtained  his 
earnest  sanction  and  recommendation.  To  encourage 
home  labor — to  protect  our  infant  manufactories  from 
a  fatal  competition  with  foreign  pauper  wages — to 
foster  and  build  up  in  the  bosom  of  the  country  a 
system  of  domestic  production,  which  should  not  only 
supply  home  consumption,  and  afford  a  home  market 
for  raw  materials  and  provisions,  the  produce  of  our 
own  soil,  but  enable  us  in  due  time  to  compete  with 
other  nations  in  sending  our  manufactures  to  foreign 
markets — he  yielded  all  his  influence  to  the  levying  of 
protective  duties  on  foreign  articles,  especially  such  as 
could  be  produced  in  our  own  country.  The  wisdom 
of  this  policy,  its  direct  tendency  to  promote  national 
wealth  and  strength,  and  to  render  the  Union  truly  in 
dependent  of  the  fluctuations  and  vicissitudes  of  foreign 
countries,  cannot  be  doubted,  it  would  seem,  by  those 
possessing  clear  minds  and  sound  judgment,  of  all 
parties. 

Under  the  faithful  supervision  of  one  so  vigilant  as 
Mr.  Adams,  the  foreign  relations  of  the  Government 
could  not  have  been  neglected.  The  intimate  knowl 
edge  of  the  condition  of  foreign  nations,  their  resources 
and  their  wants,  which  was  possessed  by  himself  and 


208  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY     ADAMS. 

by  Mr.  Clay,  the  Secretary  of  State,  afforded  facilities 
in  this  department,  from  which  the  country  reaped  thi 
richest  benefit.  During  the  four  years  of  his  adminis 
tration,  more  treaties  were  negotiated  at  Washington 
than  during  the  entire  thirty-six  years  through  which 
the  preceding  administrations  had  extended.  New 
treaties  of  amity,  navigation  and  commerce,  were  con 
cluded  with  Austria,  Sweden,  Denmark,  the  Hanseatic 
League,  Prussia,  Colombia,  and  Central  America 
Commercial  difficulties  and  various  arrangements  of 
a  satisfactory  character,  were  settled  with  the  Nether 
lands,  and  other  European  Governments.  The  claim* 
of  our  citizens  against  Sweden,  Denmark  and  Brazil, 
for  spoilations  of  commerce,  were  satisfactorily  con 
summated. 

"  As  time  advances,  the  evidences  are  accumulating 
on  all  sides,  that  the  administration  of  John  Quincy 
Adams  was  one  of  the  most  wise,  patriotic,  pacific, 
just,  and  wealth-producing,  in  the  history  of  the  country; 
and  no  small  part  of  that  benefit  may  justly  be  ascribed 
to  the  aid  he  received  from  his  Secretary  of  State. 
Mr.  Adams  himself  was  a  great  statesman,  bred  in  the 
school  of  statesmen,  and  all  his  life  exercised  in  the 
business  of  state,  with  recognized  skill,  and  approved 
fidelity.  The  seven  years  immediately  preceding  the 
administration  of  Mr.  Adams,  was  a  period  of  great 
commercial  embarrassment  and  distress  ;  and  the  seven 
years  subsequent  to  his  entrance  on  the  duties  of  chief 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  209 

executive,  was  a  period  of  great  public  and  private 
prosperity."* 

While  Mr.  Adams  was  thus  seeking  to  foster  and  en 
courage  the  industrial  and  monetary  interests  of  the 
country,  he  was  not  forgetful  of  the  important  claims 
of  literature  and  science.  President  Washington,  during 
his  administration,  had  repeatedly  urged  on  Congress 
the  importance  of  establishing  a  national  university  at 
the  capital;  and  he  had  located  and  bequeathed  a  site 
for  that  purpose.  But  his  appeals  on  this  subject  had 
been  in  vain.  In  Mr.  Adams's  first  message,  he  ear 
nestly  called  on  Congress  to  carry  into  execution  this 
recommendation  of  the  Father  of  his  Country — insist 
ing  that  "  among  the  first,  perhaps  the  very  first  instru 
ment  for  the  improvement  of  the  condition  of  men,  is 
knowledge ;  and  to  the  acquisition  of  much  of  the 
knowledge  adapted  to  the  wants,  the  comforts,  and  the 
enjoyments  of  human  life,  public  institutions  and  sem 
inaries  of  learning  are  essential." 

In  the  same  message  Mr.  Adams  recommended  the 
establishment  of  a  national  observatory.  "Connected 
with  the  establishment  of  an  university,"  he  said  "or, 
separate  from  it,  might  be  undertaken  the  erection  of 
an  astronomical  observatory,  with  provision  for  the 
support  of  an  astronomer,  to  be  in  constant  attendance 
of  observation  upon  the  phenomena  of  the  heavens,  and 
for  the  periodical  publication  of  his  observations.  It  is 
with  no  feeling  of  pride,  as  an  American,  that  the  re- 
*  Cotton's  Life  of  Clay. 


210  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

mark  may  be  made,  that,  on  the  comparatively  small 
territorial  surface  of  Europe,  there  are  existing  upwards 
of  one  hundred  and  thirty  of  these  light-houses  in  the 
skies ;  while,  throughout  the  whole  American  hemi 
sphere,  there  is  not  one.  If  we  reflect  a  moment  upon 
the  discoveries  which,  in  the  last  four  centuries,  have 
been  made  in  the  physical  constitution  of  the  universe, 
by  the  means  of  these  buildings,  and  of  observers  sta 
tioned  in  them,  shall  we  doubt  of  their  usefulness  to 
every  nation  ?  And  while  scarcely  a  year  passes  over 
our  heads  without  bringing  some  new  astronomical 
discovery  to  light,  which  we  must  fain  receive  at  second 
hand  from  Europe,  are  we  not  cutting  ourselves  off  from 
the  means  of  returning  light  for  light,  while  we  have 
neither  observatory  nor  observer  upon  our  half  of  the 
globe,  and  the  earth  revolves  in  perpetual  darkness  to 
our  unsearching  eyes  ?" 

It  is  humiliating  to  reflect  that  neither  of  these  rec- 

o 

ommendations  received  an  encouraging  response  from 
Congress.  The  latter  suggestion,  indeed,  excited  the 
ridicule  of  many  of  the  opposers  of  Mr.  Adams,  and 
"  a  light-house  in  the  skies,"  became  a  term  of  reproach 
in  their  midst.  In  this,  however,  it  must  be  confessed, 
their  ridicule  was  greatly  at  the  expense  of  their  intel 
ligence,  their  public  spirit,  and  their  devotion  to  the 
highest  interests  of  man.  There  are  few  reflections 
more  mortifying  to  an  American  citizen,  than  that 
while  so  large  a  portion  of  the  resources  of  the  na 
tional  Government  have  been  exhausted  in  prosecuting 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUIXCY    ADAMS.  211 

)..  tty  measures,  rewarding  partisan  services,  and  pro 
moting  sectional  and  personal  schemes,  little  or  nothing 
has  been  devoted  to  the  encouragement  of  the  arts  and 
sciences,  and  the  cultivation  of  those  higher  walks  of 
human  attainment  which  exalt  and  refine  a  people,  and 
fit  them  for  the  purest  and  sweetest  enjoyments  of  life. 

It  was  during  the  first  year  of  his  administration,  that 
the  attention  of  Mr.  Adams  was  called  to  a  proposed 
Congress  of  all  the  Republics  on  the  American  Con 
tinent,  to  meet  at  Panama.  The  objects  designed  to  be 
accomplished  by  such  a  Congress  have  been  variously 
stated.  It  has  been  believed  by  some  to  have  been 
called  for  the  purpose  of  opposing  a  supposed  project, 
entertained  by  the  Allied  Powers  of  Europe,  of  combin 
ing  for  the  purpose  of  reducing  the  American  Republics 
to  their  former  condition  of  European  vassalage.  Be 
this  as  it  may,  the  Panama  Congress,  among  its  objects, 
aimed  at  the  cementing  of  the  friendly  relations  of  all 
the  independent  States  of  America,  and  the  forming  of 
a  kind  of  mutual  council,  to  act  as  an  umpire  to  settle 
the  differences  which  might  arise  between  them. 

The  United  States  was  invited  to  send  representa 
tives  to  Panama.  Mr.  Adams,  as  President,  in  view 
of  the  beneficial  influences  which  in  various  ways 
might  flow  from  such  a  meeting,  accepted  the  invita 
tion,  with  the  understanding  that  the  Government  of 
the  United  States  would  take  no  part  that  could  con 
flict  with  its  neutral  position,  in  the  wars  which  might 


212  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

then  be  in  existence  between  any  of  the  South  Ameri 
can  Republics  and  other  powers.  The  acceptance  of 
this  invitation  was  announced  by  Mr.  Adams  in  his 
first  message  to  Congress.  This  was  immediately  fol 
lowed  by  the  nomination  of  Messrs.  Richard  C.  Ander 
son  and  John  Sargeant,  as  commissioners  to  the  Con 
gress  of  Panama,  and  Wm.  B.  Rochester,  of  New 
York,  as  secretary  of  the  commission.  These  nomina 
tions  were  confirmed  by  the  Senate  ;  and  an  appro 
priation  was  voted  by  the  House  of  Representatives, 
after  strong  opposition  and  much  delay,  to  carry  the 
contemplated  measure  into  effect. 

But  the  United  States  Government  was  never  repre 
sented  in  the  Panama  Congress.  The  proceedings  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  on  this  subject  had  been 
so  protracted,  that  it  was  found  too  late  for  Mr.  Sar 
geant  to  reach  Panama  in  season  for  the  meeting  of  the 
Congress,  which  took  place  on  the  22nd  of  June,  182G. 
Mr.  Anderson,  who  was  then  minister  at  Colombia,  on 
receiving  his  instructions,  commenced  his  journey  to 
Panama  ;  but  on  reaching  Carthagena  he  was  seized 
with  a  malignant  fever,  which  terminated  his  eistence. 


During  the  second  session  of  the  nineteenth  Con 
gress,  the  subject  of  commercial  intercourse  with  the 
British  West  India  Colonies  was  thoroughly  discussed. 
The  British  Parliament  had  laid  restrictions  so  onerous 
on  the  trade  of  the  United  States  with  these  Colonies 
that  it  could  be  pursued  to  very  little  profit.  Bills 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  213 

were  introduced  into  both  houses  of  Congress,  for  the 
protection  of  the  interests  of  American  merchants, 
trading  with  the  British  Colonies  ;  but  the  Senate  and 
House  failing  to  agree  on  the  details  of  the  proposed 
measures,  nothing  was  done  to  effect  the  desired  ob 
ject.  Congress  having  adjourned  without  passing  any 
law  to  meet  the  restrictive  measures  of  Great  Britain, 
President  Adams,  on  the  17th  of  March,  1827,  agree 
ably  to  a  law  passed  three  years  before,  issued  a  pro 
clamation  closing  the  ports  of  the  United  States 
against  vessels  from  the  British  colonies,  until  the 
restrictive  measures  of  the  British  Government  should 
be  repealed. 

The  policy  pursued  by  Mr.  Adams  toward  the 
Indian  tribes  within  the  United  States,  was  pacific  and 
humane.  The  position  they  held  toward  the  General 
Government  was  of  an  unsettled  and  embarrassing 
character.  Enjoying  a  species  of  independence,  and 
subject  to  laws  of  their  own  enactment,  they  were, 
nevertheless,  dependent  on  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  for  protection,  and  were,  in  fact,  wholly 
at  its  disposal.  Near  the  close  of  Mr.  Monroe's  ad 
ministration,  in  a  message  to  Congress,  on  the  27th  of 
January,  1825,  he  proposed  a  plan  to  remove  the 
tribes  scattered  through  the  several  States,  to  a  tract 
of  country  west  of  the  Mississippi,  and  to  unite  them 
in  one  nation,  with  some  plan  for  their  government 
and  civilization.  This  proposition  meeting  with  a 

decided  opposition  on  the  part  of  many  of  the  Indians, 
14 


214  LIFE    OF    JOHN    ClUINCY    ADAMS. 

was  modified  during  Mr.  Adams's  administration.  It 
finally  resulted  in  a  plan  of  removing  west  of  the  Mis 
sissippi  such  individuals  among  the  various  tribes  as 
would  consent  to  go  under  the  inducements  held  out ; 
and  allowing  the  remainder  to  continue  in  their, old 
abode,  occupying  each  a  small  tract  of  land.  This 
policy  has  since  been  pursued  by  the  General  Govern 
ment,  and  has  resulted  in  the  removal  of  most  of  the 
aborigines  beyond  the  western  shores  of  the  Mis 
sissippi. 

These  removals,  however,  have  been  attended  with 
no  little  difficulty,  and  at  times  have  led  to  collisions 
which  have  assumed  a  serious  aspect.  An  instance 
of  this  description  occurred  during  the  first  year  Mr. 
Adams  occupied  the  presidential  chair.  In  1802,  a 
compact  was  formed  between  the  General  Government 
and  the  State  of  Georgia,  in  which  it  was  agreed,  that 
in  consequence  of  the  relinquishment,  on  the  part  of 
Georgia,  of  all  her  claim  to  the  land  set  off  in  the  then 
new  Mississippi  Territory,  the  General  Government, 
at  its  own  expense,  should  obtain  a  relinquishment, 
from  the  Creek  Indians,  of  all  their  lands  within  the 
State  of  Georgia,  "whenever  it  could  be  peaceably 
done  upon  reasonable  terms." 

In  compliance  with  this  agreement,  the  United 
States  had  extinguished  the  Indian  title  to  about  fifteen 
millions  of  acres  of  land.  At  the  close  of  Mr.  Monroe's 
administration,  over  nine  millions  of  acres  were  still 
retained  by  the  Indians.  The  State  authorities  of 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS.  215 

Georgia  became  very  anxious  to  obtain  possession  of 
this  also.  At  the  solicitation  of  Gov.  Troup,  President 
Madison  sent  two  Commissioners  to  make  a  treaty 
with  the  Creeks,  for  the  purchase  of  their  lands,  and  the 
removal  of  the  Indians  beyond  the  Mississippi.  Bu 
the  Creeks,  having  begun  to  appreciate  and  enjoy  the 
comforts  of  civilization,  and  the  advantages  of  the  arts 
and  sciences,  which  had  been  introduced  into  their 
midst,  refused  to  treat  on  the  subject,  and  passed  a  law 
in  the  General  Council  of  their  nation,  forbidding,  on 
pain  of  death,  the  sale  of  any  of  their  lands.  After 
the  close  of  the  council,  a  few  of  the  Creeks,  influ 
enced  by  a  chief  named  Mlntosh,  met  the  United 
States  Commissioners,  and  formed  a  treaty  on  their 
own  responsibility,  ceding  to  the  General  Government 
all  the  Creek  lands  in  Georgia  and  Alabama.  When 
intelligence  of  this  treaty  was  circulated  among  the 
Indians,  they  were  filled  with  indignation.  Their 
General  Council  met — resolved  not  to  sanction  a 
treaty  obtained  in  a  manner  so  dishonorable  and 
illegal — and  despatched  a  party  of  Indians  to  the  resi 
dence  of  M'Intosh,  who  immediately  shot  him  and 
another  chief  who  had  signed  the  treaty  with  him. 

This  surreptitious  treaty  was  transmitted  to  Wash 
ington,  and  under  a  misapprehension  of  the  manner 
in  which  it  was  secured,  was  ratified  by  the  Senate, 
on  the  3d  of  March,  1825,  the  last  day  of  Mr. 
Monroe's  administration.  Gov.  Troup,  acting  under 
this  treaty,  sent  surveyors  into  the  Creek  Territory,  to 


216  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

lay  out  the  land  in  lots,  which  were  to  be  distributed 
among  the  white  inhabitants  of  Georgia,  by  lottery. 
The  Indians  resisted  this  encroachment,  and  prepared 
to  defend  their  rights  by  physical  force — at  the  same 
time  sending  to  Washington  for  protection  from  the 
General  Government.  The  authorities  of  Georgia 
insisted  upon  a  survey,  and  ordered  out  a  body  of 
militia  to  enforce  it. 

On  hearing  of  this  state  of  affairs,  President  Adams 
despatched  a  special  agent  to  inquire  into  the  facts 
of  the  case.  After  due  investigation,  the  agent  re 
ported  that  the  treaty  had  been  obtained  by  bad  faith 
and  corruption,  and  that  the  Creeks  were  almost 
unanimously  opposed  to  the  cession  of  their  lands. 
On  receiving  this  report,  the  President  determined 
to  prevent  the  survey  ordered  by  the  Governor  of 
Georgia,  until  the  matter  could  be  submitted  to  Con 
gress,  and  ordered  Gen.  Gaines  to  proceed  to  the 
Creek  country  with  a  body  of  United  States  troops,  to 
prevent  collision  between  the  Indians  and  the  Georgia 
forces. 

On  the  5th  of  February,  Mr.  Adams  transmitted 
a  message  to  Congress,  giving  a  statement  of  these 
transactions,  and  declaring  his  determination  to  fulfil 
the  duty  of  protection  the  nation  owed  the  Creeks, 
.is  guaranteed  by  treaty,  by  all  the  force  at  his  com 
mand.  "  That  the  arm  of  military  force,"  he  con 
tinued,  "will  be  resorted  to  only  in  the  event  of  the 
failure  of  all  other  expedients  provided  by  the  laws,  a 


LIFE    OP    JOHN  QLINCY    ADAMS.  217 

\  edge  has  been  given  by  the  forbearance  to  employ 
it  at  this  time.  It  is  submitted  to  the  wisdom  of  Con 
gress  to  determine  whether  any  further  acts  of  legis 
lation  may  be  necessary  or  expedient  to  meet  the 
emergency  which  these  transactions  may  produce." 

The  committee  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  to 
which  this  message  was  referred,  reported  that  it  "  is 
expedient  to  procure  a  cession  of  the  Indian  lands  in 
the  State  of  Georgia,  and  that  until  such  a  cession  is 
procured,  the  law  of  the  land,  as  set  forth  in  the  treaty 
at  Washington,  ought  to  be  maintained  by  all  neces 
sary,  constitutional,  and  legal  means."  The  firmness 
and  decision  of  President  Adams  undoubtedly  pre 
vented  the  unhappy  consequences  of  a  collision  be 
tween  the  people  of  Georgia  and  the  Creek  Indians. 
A  new  negotiation  was  opened  with  the  Indians,  by 
direction  of  the  President,  which  resulted  in  declaring 
the  M'Intosh  treaty  null  and  void,  and  in  obtaining,  at 
length,  a  cession  of  all  the  lands  of  the  Creeks  within 
the  limits  of  Georgia,  to  the  General  Government. 

As  the  friend  and  promoter  of  internal  improve 
ments,  Mr.  Adams  was  invited  to  be  present  at  the 
interesting  ceremony  of  "  breaking  ground,"  on  the 
Chesapeake  and  Ohio  canal,  then  about  to  be  com 
menced,  which  took  place  on  the  4th  of  July,  1828. 
On  the  morning  of  that  day,  the  President,  the  Heads 
of  Departments,  the  Foreign  Ministers,  the  Corpora 
tions  of  Washington,  Georgetown,  and  Alexandria,  the 

10 


218  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

President  and  Directors  of  the  Chesapeake  and  Ohio 
Canal  Company,  with  a  large  concourse  of  citizens, 
embarked  on  board  of  steamboats  and  ascended  the 
Potomac,  to  the  place  selected  for  the  ceremony.  On 
reaching  the  ground,  a  procession  was  formed,  which 
moved  around  it  so  as  to  leave  a  hollow  space,  in  the 
midst  of  a  mass  of  people,  in  the  centre  of  which  was 
the  spot  marked  out  by  Judge  Wright,  the  Engineer 
of  the  Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Canal  Company,  for  the 
commencement  of  the  work.  A  moment's  pause  here 
occurred,  while  the  spade,  destined  to  commence  the 
work,  was  selected  by  the  committee  of  arrangements, 
and  the  spot  for  breaking  ground  was  preciselv 
denoted. 

At  that  moment  the  sun  shone  out  from  behind  a 
cloud,  giving  an  appearance  of  the  highest  animation 
to  the  scene.  Amidst  an  intense  silence,  the  Mayor 
of  Georgetown  handed  to  Gen.  Mercer,  the  President 
of  the  Canal  Company,  the  consecrated  instrument  ; 
which,  having  received,  he  stepped  forward  from  the 
resting  column,  and  addressed  as  follows  the  listening 
multitude  :— 


"  Fellow-citizens  :  There  are  moments  in  the  progress  of  time 
which  are  the  counters  of  whole  ages.  There  are  events,  the 
monuments  of  which,  surviving  every  other  memorial  of  human  ex 
istence,  eternize  the  nation  to  whose  history  they  belong,  after  all 
other  vestiges  of  its  glory  have  disappeared  from  the  globe.  At 
such  a  moment  have  we  now  arrived.  Such  a  monument  we  are 
now  to  found." 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  219 

Turning  towards  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
who  stood  near  him,  Mr.  M.  proceeded  : — 

"  Mr.  President :  On  a  day  hallowed  by  the  fondest  recollections, 
beneath  this  cheering  (may  we  not  humbly  trust  auspicious)  sky, 
surrounded  by  the  many  thousand  spectators  who  look  on  us  with 
joyous  anticipation ;  in  the  presence  of  the  representatives  of  the 
most  polished  nations  of  the  old  and  new  worlds  ;  on  a  spot  where 
little  more  than  a  century  ago  the  painted  savage  held  his  nightly 
orgies ;  at  the  request  of  the  three  cities  of  the  District  of  Columbia, 
I  present  to  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  most  powerful  Republic  on 
earth,  for  the  most  noble  purpose  that  was  ever  conceived  by  man, 
this  humble  instrument  of  rural  labor,  a  symbol  of  the  favorite  occupa 
tion  of  our  countrymen.  May  the  use  to  which  it  is  about  to  be  devoted 
prove  the  precursor,  to  our  beloved  country,  of  improved  agriculture, 
of  multiplied  and  diversified  arts,  of  extended  commerce  and  navi 
gation.  Combining  its  social  and  moral  influence  with  the  princL 
pies  of  that  happy  constitution  under  which  you  have  been  called 
to  preside  over  the  American  people,  may  it  become  a  safeguard  of 
their  liberty  and  independence,  and  a  bond  of  perpetual  union ! 

"  To  the  ardent  wishes  of  this  vast  assembly  I  unite  my  fervent 
prayer  to  that  infinite  and  awful  Being  without  \vhose  favor  all 
human  power  is  but  vanity,  that  he  will  crown  your  labor  with  his 
blessing,  and  our  work  with  immortality." 

As  soon  as  he  had  ended,  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  to  whom  Gen.  Mercer  had  presented 
the  spade,  stepped  forward,  and,  with  an  animation^  of 
manner  and  countenance  which  showed  that  his  whole- 
heart  was  in  the  thing,  thus  addressed  the  assembly  of 
his  fellow-citizens : — 

"  Friends  and  Fellow-citizens  :  It  is  nearly  a  full  century  since 
Berkely,  bishop  of  Cloyne,  turning  towards  this  fair  land,  which  we 
now  inhabit,  the  eyes  of  a  prophet,  closed  a  few  lines  of  poetical  in 
spiration  with  this  memorable  prediction — 

*  Time's  noblest  empire  is  the  last :" — 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS. 

a  prediction  which,  to  those  of  us  whoso  lot  has  been  cast  by  Divme 
Providence  in  these  regions,  contains  not  only  a  precious  promis  3, 
but  a  solemn  injunction  of  duty,  since  upon  our  energies,  and  upcn 
those  of  our  posterity,  its  fulfilment  will  depend.  For  with  rcfer- 
ence  to  what  principle  could  it  be  that  Berkely  proclaimed  this, 
the  last,  to  be  the  noblest  empire  of  time?  It  was,  as  he  himself 
declares,  on  the  transplantation  of  learning1  and  the  arts  to  America. 
Of  learning  and  the  arts.  The  four  first  acts — the  empires  of  tli9 
old  world,  and  of  former  ages — the  Assyrian,  the  Persian,  the 
Grecian,  the  Roman  empires — were  empires  of  conquest,  dominions 
of  man  over  man.  The  empire  which  his  great  mind,  piercing  inl) 
the  darkness  of  futurity,  foretold  in  America,  was  the  empire  o  * 
learning  and  the  arts, — the  dominion  of  man  over  himself,  and  over 
physical  nature — acquired  by  the  inspirations  of  genius,  and  th  ? 
toils  of  industry ;  not  watered  with  the  tears  of  the  widow  and  th  ? 
orphan  ;  not  cemented  in  the  blood  of  human  victims  ;  founded  not 
in  discord,  but  in  harmony, — of  which  the  only  spoils  are  the  impci- 
fections  of  nature,  and  the  victory  achieved  is  the  improvement  of 
the  condition  of  all.  Well  may  this  be  termed  nobler  than  tho 
empire  of  c  ^nquest,  in  which  man  subdues  only  his  fellow-man. 

"  To  the  accomplishment  of  this  prophecy,  the  first  necessary 
step  was  the  acquisition  of  the  right  of  self-government,  by  the 
people  of  the  British  North  American  Colonies,  achieved  by  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  its  acknowledgment  by  the  British 
nation.  Tho  second  was  the  union  of  all  these  colonies  under  one 
general  confederated  Government — a  task  more  arduous  than  that 
of  the  preceding  separation,  but  at  last  effected  by  the  present  con 
stitution  of  the  United  States. 

"  The  third  step,  more  arduous  still  than  either  or  both  the  others, 
vas  that  which  we,  fellow-citizens,  may  now  congratulate  our 
selves,  our  country,  and  the  world  of  man,  that  it  is  taken.  It  is 
»he  adaptation  of  the  powers,  physical,  moral,  and  intellectual,  of 
this  whole  Union,  to  the  improvement  of  its  own  condition  :  of  its 
moral  and  political  condition,  by  wise  and  liberal  institutions — by 
the  cultivation  of  the  understanding  and  the  heart — by  academies, 
schools,  and  learned  institutes — by  the  pursuit  and  patronage  of 
learning  and  the  arts  ;  of  its  physical  condition,  by  associated  labor 
to  improve  the  bounties,  and  to  supply  the  deficiencies  of  nature  ; 
to  stem  the  torrent  in  its  course ;  to  level  the  mountain  with  the 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  221 

plain  ;  to  disarm  and  fetter  the  raging  surge  of  the  ocean.  Under 
takings  of  which  the  language  I  now  hold  is  no  exaggerated  de 
scription,  have  become  happily  familiar  not  only  to  the  conceptions, 
but  to  the  enterprize  of  our  countrymen.  That  for  the  commence 
ment  of  which  we  are  here  assembled  is  eminent  among  the  num 
ber.  The  project  contemplates  a  conquest  over  physical  nature, 
such  as  has  never  yet  been  achieved  by  man.  The  wonders  of  the 
ancient  world,  the  pyramids  of  Egypt,  the  Colossus  of  Rhodes,  the 
temple  at  Ephesus,  the  mausoleum  of  Artemisia,  the  wall  of  China, 
sink  into  insignificance  before  it : — insignificance  in  the  mass  and 
momentum  of  human  labor  required  for  the  execution — insignifi 
cance  in  comparison  of  the  purposes  to  be  accomplished  by  the 
work  when  executed.  It  is,  therefore,  a  pleasing  contemplation  to 
those  sanguine  and  patriotic  spirits  who  have  so  long  looked  with 
hope  to  the  completion  of  this  undertaking,  that  it  unites  the  moral 
power  and  resources — first,  of  numerous  individuals — secondly,  of 
the  corporate  cities  of  Washington,  Georgetown,  and  Alexandria — 
thirdly,  of  the  great  and  powerful  States  of  Pennsylvania,  Virginia, 
and  Maryland — and  lastly,  by  the  subscription  authorized  at  the  re 
cent  session  of  Congress,  of  the  whole  Union. 

"  Friends  and  Fellow-laborers.  We  are  informed  by  the  holy 
oracles  of  truth,  that,  at  the  creation  of  man,  male  and  female,  the 
Lord  of  the  universe,  their  Maker,  blessed  them,  and  said  unto 
them,  be  fruitful,  and  multiply,  and  replenish  the  earth,  and  subdue 
it.  To  subdue  the  earth  was,  therefore,  one  of  the  first  duties  as 
signed  to  man  at  his  creation ;  and  now,  in  his  fallen  condition,  it 
remains  among  the  most  excellent  of  his  occupations.  To  subdue 
the  earth  is  pre-eminently  the  purpose  of  the  undertaking,  to  the 
accomplishment  of  winch  the  first  stroke  of  the  spade  is  now  to  be 
struck.  That  it  is  to  be  struck  by  this  hand,  I  invite  you  to  wit 
ness. — [Here  the  stroke  of  the  spade.]*  And  in  performing  this  act, 

*  Attending  this  action  was  an  incident  which  produced  a  greater 
sensation  than  any  other  that  occurred  during  the  day.  The  spade 
which  the  President  held,  struck  a  root,  which  prevented  its  penetrating 
the  earth.  Not  deterred  by  trifling  obstacles  from  doing  what  he  had 
deliberately  resolved  to  perform.  Mr.  Adams  tried  it  again,  with  no  bet 
ter  success.  Thus  foiled,  he  threw  down  the  spade,  hastily  stripped  off 
and  laid  aside  his  coat,  and  went  seriously  to  work.  The  multitude 
around,  and  on  the  hills  and  trees,  who  could  not  hear,  because  of  then 


222  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

I  call  upon  you  to  join  me  in  fervent  supplication  to  Him  from  whon 
that  primitive  injunction  came,  that  he  would  follow  with  his  bless 
ing  this  joint  effort  of  our  great  community,  to  perform  his  will  i  i 
the  subjugation  of  the  earth  for  the  improvement  of  the  conditio  i 
of  man — that  he  would  make  it  one  of  his  chosen  instruments  for 
the  preservation,  prosperity,  and  perpetuity  of  our  Union — that  h-3 
would  have  in  his  holy  keeping  all  the  workmen  by  whose  labors  it 
is  to  be  completed — that  their  lives  and  their  health  may  be  pre 
cious  in  his  sight ;  and  that  they  may  live  to  see  the  work  of  their 
hands  contribute  to  the  comforts  and  enjoyments  of  millions  of  their 
countrymen. 

"  Friends  and  brethren  :  Permit  me  further  to  say,  that  I  deer  i 
the  duty,  now  performed  at  the  request  of  the  President  and  Direct 
ors  of  the  Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Canal  Company,  and  the  Corpora- 
tions  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  one  of  the  most  fortunate  incidents 
of  my  life.  Though  not  among  the  functions  of  my  official  statior , 
I  esteem  it  as  a  privilege  conferred  upon  me  by  my  fellow-citizen  •> 
of  the  District.  Called,  in  the  performance  of  my  service,  heretofore 
as  one  of  the  representatives  of  my  native  commonwealth  in  the 
Senate,  and  now  as  a  member  of  the  executive  department  of  tho 
Government,  my  abode  has  been  among  the  inhabitants  of  tho 
District  longer  than  at  any  other  spot  upon  earth.  In  availing 
myself  of  this  occasion  to  return  to  them  my  thanks  for  the  num 
berless  acts  of  kindness  that  I  have  experienced  at  their  hands,  may 
I  be  allowed  to  assign  it  as  a  motive,  operating  upon  the  heart,  and 
superadded  to  my  official  obligations,  for  taking  a  deeper  interest  in 
their  welfare  and  prosperity.  Among  the  prospects  of  futurity  which 
we  may  indulge  the  rational  hope  of  seeing  realized  by  this  junction 
of  distant  waters,  that  of  the  auspicious  influence  which  it  will  exer 
cise  over  the  fortunes  of  every  portion  of  this  District  is  one  upon 
which  my  mind  dwells  with  unqualified  pleasure.  It  is  my  earnest 
prayer  that  they  may  not  be  disappointed. 

"  It  was  observed  that  the  first  step  towards  the  accomplishment 
of  the  glorious  destinies  of  our  country  was  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence.  That  the  second  was  the  union  of  these  States  under 
our  federative  Government.  The  third  is  irrevocably  fixed  by  the 

distance  from  the  open  space,  but  could  see  and  understand,  observing 
this  action,  raised  a  loud  and  unanimous  cheering,  which  continued  for 
some  time  after  Mr.  Adams  had  mastered  the  difficulty. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS.  223 

act  upon  the  commencement  of  which  we  are  now  engaged.  What 
time  more  suitable  for  this  operation  could  have  been  selected  than 
the  anniversary  of  our  great  national  festival  ?  What  place  more 
appropriate  from  whence  to  proceed,  than  that  which  bears  the 
name  of  the  citizen  warrior  who  led  our  armies  in  that  eventful 
contest  to  the  field,  and  who  first  presided  as  the  Chief  Magistrate 
of  our  Union  ?  You  know  that  of  this  very  undertaking  he  was 
one  of  the  first  projectors ;  and  if  in  the  world  of  spirits  the 
affections  of  our  mortal  existence  still  retain  their  sway,  may  we  not, 
without  presumption,  imagine  that  he  looks  down  with  complacency 
and  delight  upon  the  scene  before  and  around  us  ? 

"  But  while  indulging  in  a  sentiment  of  joyous  exultation  at  the 
benefits  to  be  derived  from  this  labor  of  our  friends  and  neighbors,  let 
us  not  forget  that  the  spirit  of  internal  improvement  is  catholic  and 
liberal.  We  hope  and  believe  that  its  practical  advantages  \vill 
be  extended  to  every  individual  in  our  Union.  In  praying  for  the 
blessing  of  heaven  upon  our  task,  we  ask  it  with  equal  zeal  and 
sincerity  upon  every  other  similiar  work  in  this  confederacy  ;  and 
particularly  upon  that  which,  on  this  same  day,  and  perhaps  at  this 
very  hour,  is  commencing  from  a  neighboring  city.  It  is  one  of  the 
happiest  characteristics  in  the  principle  of  internal  improvement, 
that  the  success  of  one  great  enterprise,  instead  of  counteracting, 
gives  assistance  to  the  execution  of  another.  May  they  increase 
and  multiply,  till,  in  the  sublime  language  of  inspiration,  every  valley 
shall  be  exalted  and  every  mountain  and  hill  shall  be  made  low ;  the 
crooked  straight,  the  rough  places  plain.  Thus  shall  the  prediction 
of  the  bishop  of  Cloyne  be  converted  from  prophecy  into  history ; 
and,  in  the  virtues  and  fortunes  of  our  posterity,  the  last  shall  prove 
ths  noblest  empire  of  time." 

The  administration  of  Mr.  Adams,  from  the  first  day 
of  its  existence,  met  with  an  opposition  more  deter 
mined,  bitter,  and  unscrupulous  than  any  which  has 
ever  assailed  a  President  of  the  United  States.  It  evi- 
.dently  was  not  an  opposition  based  on  well-grounded 
objections  to  his  principles  or  his  measures.  Before  ap 
opportunity  had  been  given  fairly  and  fully  to  develop 


224  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

his  policy  as  President,  the  opposition  had  taken  its 
stand,  and  boldly  declared  that  his  administration  should 
be  overthrown  at  every  hazard,  whatever  might  be  its 
policy,  its  integrity,  or  its  success.  A  favorite  candi 
date,  having  certain  elements  of  immense  popularity 
with  a  large  class  of  people,  and  supported  with  enthu 
siasm  by  his  immediate  friends,  had  been  defeated  in 
the  previous  presidential  canvass,  at  a  moment  when  it 
was  thought  triumphant  success  had  been  secured. 
Under  the  exasperation  and  excitement  of  this  over 
throw,  it  was  determined  that  his  more  fortunate  rival 
should  be  displaced  at  the  earliest  moment,  at  whatever 
cost,  though  his  administration  should  prove  unrivalled 
in  patriotism,  and  the  successful  promotion  of  the  gen 
eral  welfare. 

The  opposition  did  not  fail  to  seize  upon  certain 
points,  which,  in  the  exercise  of  a  due  degree  of  adroit 
ness,  yielded  an  ample  material  for  popular  declamation 
and  censure.  The  fact  that  Mr.  Adams  had  a  less 
number  of  electoral  votes  than  Gen.  Jackson  was 
greatly  dwelt  upon  as  positive  evidence  that  the  will 
of  the  people  had  been  violated  in  the  election  of  the 
former  to  the  presidency — although  it  has  since  been 
satisfactorily  ascertained  that  Mr.  Adams  had  a  larger 
number  of  the  primary  votes  of  the  people  than  his 
prominent  opponent. 

The  charge  of  "  bargain  and  corruption,"  alleged 
against  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Clay,  was  also  used  as 
an  effective  weapon  against  the  former,  in  the  sue- 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS.  225 

ceeding  presidential  canvass.  Notwithstanding  the 
charge  had  been  promptly  and  emphatically  denied  by 
the  parties  implicated,  and  proof  in  its  support  fearlessly 
challenged — notwithstanding  every  attempt  at  evidence 
to  fix  it  upon  them  had  most  signally  failed,  and  in 
volved  those  engaged  therein  in  utter  confusion  of  face 
— yet  so  often  and  so  boldly  was  the  charge  repeated 
by  designing  men,  so  generally  and  continually  was  it 
reiterated  by  a  venal  press  from  one  end  of  the  Union 
to  the  other,  that  a  majority  of  the  people  was  driven 
into  its  belief,  and  the  fate  of  Mr.  Adams's  administra 
tion  was  sealed  against  him.  Subsequent  develop 
ments  have  shown,  that,  in  the  annals  of  political  war 
fare,  there  never  was  a  charge  uttered  against  eminent 
public  men,  so  thoroughly  destitute  of  the  shadow  of 
truth  as  this.  But  it  answered  the  immediate  ends  of 
its  authors.  Posterity  will  do  ample  justice  to  all  the 
parties  in  this  transaction. 

Another  event  which  operated  seriously  to  the  disad 
vantage  of  Mr.  Adams,  was  the  amalgamation  of  the 
strong  Crawford  party  with  the  supporters  of  Gen. 
Jackson.  This  combination  threw  obstacles  in  the 
way  of  the  administration  which  were  insurmountable. 
It  enabled  the  opposition  to  send  a  majority  of  members 
to  the  twentieth  Congress,  both  in  the  Senate  and  the 
House  of  Representatives.  The  test  of  the  strength 
of  parties  in  the  House  took  place  on  the  election  of 
Speaker.  Andrew  Stevenson,  of  Virginia,  was  elected 
on  the  first  ballot,  by  a  majority  of  ten  votes  over  John 

10* 


226  LIFE    OF    JOHN    aiJINCY    ADAMS. 

W.  Taylor,  the  administration  candidate.  Mr.  Steven 
son  was  a  supporter  of  Mr.  Crawford  in  1824.  His 
election  to  the  Speaker's  chair  clearly  indicated  the 
union  of  the  different  sections  of  the  opposition,  and 
foreshadowed  too  evidently  the  overthrow  of  the  ad 
ministration  of  Mr.  Adams. 

In  this  state  of  things,  with  a  majority  of  Congress 
against  him,  the  President  was  deprived  of  the  oppor 
tunity  of  carrying  into  execution  many  important 
measures  which  were  highly  calculated  to  promote  the 
permanent  benefit  of  the  country,  and  which  could  not 
have  failed  to  receive  the  approbation  of  the  people.  A 
majority  of  all  the  committees  of  both  Houses  were 
against  him  ;  and  for  the  first  time  an  administration 
was  found  without  adequate  strength  in  Congress  to 
support  its  measures.  In  several  instances  the  reports 
of  committees  partook  of  a  strong  partisan  character, 
in  violation  of  all  rules  of  propriety  and  correct  legis 
lation. 

The  first  session  of  the  twentieth  Congress,  which 
was  held  immediately  preceding  the  presidential  cam 
paign  of  1828,  was  characterized  by  proceedings,  which, 
at  this  day,  all  will  unite  in  deciding  as  highly  repre 
hensible.  Instead  of  attending  strictly  to  the  legitimate 
business  of  the  session,  much  of  the  time  was  spent  in 
discussions  involving  the  merits  of  the  opposing  candi 
dates  for  the  presidency,  and  designed  to  have  an  ex 
press  bearing  on  the  election  then  near  at  hand.  Of 
this  character  was  a  resolution  introduced  into  the 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS.  227 

House  of  Representatives,  on  the  8th  of  January,  1828, 
by  Mr.  Hamilton,  a  supporter  of  Gen.  Jackson,  to  in 
quire  into  the  expediency  of  having  a  historical  picture 
of  the  battle  of  New  Orleans  painted,  and  placed  in 
the  rotunda  of  the  Capitol.  This  was  followed  by  a 
resolution,  introduced  by  Mr.  Sloane,  an  administration 
member,  requiring  the  Secretary  of  War  to  furnish  the 
House  with  a  copy  of  the  proceedings  of  a  court- 
martial  ordered  by  Gen.  Jackson,  in  1814,  for  the 
trial  of  certain  Tennessee  militiamen,  who  were  con 
demned  and  shot. 

At  this  session  of  Congress  may  be  dated  the  intro 
duction  of  a  practice  which  has  become  an  evil  of  the 
greatest  magnitude  in  the  present  day.  Reference  is 
had  to  the  custom  of  making  the  halls  of  Congress  a 
mere  arena,  where,  instead  of  attending  to  the  legiti 
mate  business  of  legislating  for  the  benefit  of  the  coun 
try  at  large,  political  gladiators  spend  much  of  their 
time  in  wordy  contests,  designed  solely  for  the  promo 
tion  of  personal  or  party  purposes,  to  the  neglect  of  the 
interests  of  their  constituents.  From  this  has  grown 

O 

the  habit  of  speech-making  by  the  hour,  on  topics 
trivial  in  their  nature,  in  which  the  people  have  not 
the  slightest  interest,  and  which,  quite  often,  are  totally 
foreign  to  the  subject  ostensibly  in  debate.  Valuable 
time  and  immense  treasures  are  thus  squandered  to  no 
profitable  purpose.  Should  not  this  evil  be  abated  ? 

The  stern  integrity  of  Mr.  Adams,  and  his  unyield 
ing  devotion  to  principle,  were  made  to  operate  against 


228  LIFE    OF    JOHN     dUINCY    ADAMS. 

him.  Had  he  chosen  to  turn  the  vast  influence  at  his 
command  to  the  promotion  of  personal  ends — had  he 
unscrupulously  ejected  from  office  all  political  opposers, 
and  supplied  their  places  with  others  who  would  have 
labored,  with  all  the  means  at  their  disposal,  in  his 
behalf — little  doubt  can  be  entertained  that  he  could 
have  secured  his  re-election.  But  he  utterly  refused 
to  resort  to  such  measures^  Believing  he  was  pro 
moted  to  his  high  position  not  for  his  individual  benefit, 
but  to  advance  the  welfare  of  the  entire  country,  his 
view  of  duty  \vas  too  elevated  and  pure  to  allow  him 
to  desecrate  the  trust  reposed  in  him  to  personal  ends. 
Hence  the  influence  derived  from  the  patronage  of  the 
General  Government  \vas  turned  against  the  admin 
istration  rather  than  in  its  behalf;  and  the  singular 
spectacle  was  presented  of  men  exerting  every  nerve 
to  overthrow  Mr.  Adams,  who  were  dependent  upon 
him  for  the  influence  they  \vielded  against  him,  and 
for  their  very  means  of  subsistence. 

A  hotly  contested  political  campaign  ensued  in  the 
fall  of  1828.  In  view  of  the  peculiar  combination  of 
circumstances,  and  of  the  means  resorted  to  by  the 
opposing  parties  to  secure  success,  the  result  could  be 
foreseen  with  much  certainty.  Gen.  Jackson  was 
elected  President  of  the  United  States,  and  was  inau 
gurated  on  the  4th  of  March,  1829. 

Thus  closed  the  administration  of  John  Quincy 
Adams.  At  the  call  of  his  country  he  entered  upon 
the  highest  station  in  its  gift.  With  a  fidelity  and 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QU1NCY    ADAMS.  229 

uprightness  which  have  not  been  surpassed,  he  dis 
charged  his  important  trust  to  the  lasting  benefit  of  all 
the  vital  interests  which  tend  to  build  up  a  great  and 
prosperous  people.  And  at  the  call  of  his  country  he 
relinquished  the  honors  of  office,  and  willingly  retired 
to  the  private  walks  of  life. 

No  man  can  doubt  that  Mr.  Adams  could  look  back 
upon  his  labors  while  President  with  the  utmost  satis 
faction.  "  During  his  administration  new  and  in 
creased  activity  was  imparted  to  those  powers  vested 
in  the  Federal  Government  for  the  development  of  the 
resources  of  the  country,  and  the  public  revenue  was 
liberally  expended  rrrprosecuting  those  liberal  measures, 
to  which  the  sanction  of  Congress  had  been  delib 
erately  given,  as  the  settled  policy  of  the  Government. 

"  More  than  one  million  of  dollars  had  been  expended 
in  enlarging  and  maintaining  the  light-house  establish 
ment — half  a  million  in  completing  the  public  build 
ings — two  millions  in  erecting  arsenals,  barracks,  and 
furnishing  the  national  armories — nearly  the  same 
amount  had  been  expended  in  permanent  additions  to 
the  naval  establishment — upwards  of  three  millions 
had  been  devoted  to  fortifying  the  sea-coast — and 
more  than  four  millions  expended  in  improving  the 
internal  communications  between  different  parts  of  the 
country,  and  in  procuring  information,  by  scientific 
surveys,  concerning  its  capacity  for  further  improve 
ment.  Indeed,  more  had  been  directly  effected  by  the 

aid  of  Government  in  this  respect,  during  Mr.    Adams' 
J*  15 


230  LIFE    OF    JOHN   Q.UINCY    ADAMS. 

administration,  than  during  the  administrations  of  all 
his  predecessors.  Other  sums,  exceeding  a  million, 
had  been  appropriated  for  objects  of  a  lasting  char 
acter,  and  not  belonging  to  the  annual  expense  of  tho 
Government;  making  in  the  whole  nearly  fourteen 
millions  of  dollars  expended  for  the  permanent  benefi: 
of  the  country,  during  this  administration. 

"At  the  same  time  the  interest  on  the  public  deb;; 
was  punctually  paid,  and  the  clet)t  itself  was  in  a  con 
stant  course  of  reduction,  having  been  diminished 
830,373,188  during  his  administration,  and  leaving  duo 
on  the  1st  of  January,  1829,  $58,362,136.  While 
these  sums  were  devoted  to  increasing  the  resources 
and  improving  the  condition  of  the  country,  and  in 
discharging  its  pecuniary  obligations,  those  claim;; 
which  were  derived  from  what  are  termed  the  imper 
fect  obligations  of  gratitude  and  humanity  were  not 
forgotten. 

"  More  than  five  millions  of  dollars  were  appropri 
ated  to  solace  the  declining  years  of  the  surviving 
officers  of  the  Revolution  ;  and  a  million  and  a  half 
expended  in  extinguishing  the  Indian  title,  and  defray 
ing  the  expense  of  the  removal  beyond  the  Mississippi 
of  such  tribes  as  were  unqualified  for  a  residence  near 
civilized  communities,  and  in  promoting  the  civiliza 
tion  of  those  who,  relying  on  the  faith  of  the  United 
States,  preferred  to  remain  on  the  lands  which  were 
the  abodes  of  their  fathers. 

"In   the   condition  which  we   have  described — in 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  231 

peace  with  all  the  world,  with  an  increasing  revenue 
and  with  a  surplus  of  $5,125^638  in  the  public  treasury, 
— the  administration  of  the  Government  of  the  United 
States  was  surrendered  by  Mr.  Adams  on  the  3d  of 
March,  1829."* 

The  "  Georgia  Constitutionalist"  thus  describes  Mr. 
Adams'  retirement  from  office  : — "Mr.  Adams  is  said 
to  be  in  good  health  and  spirits.  The  manner  in 
which  this  gentleman  retired  from  office  is  so  replete 
with  propriety  and  dignity,  that  we  are  sure  history 
will  record  it  as  a  laudable  example  to  those  who  shall 
hereafter  be  required  by  the  sovereign  people  to  descend 
from  exalted  stations.  It  wras  a  great  matter  with  the 
ancients  to  die  with  decency,  and  there  are  some  of 
our  own  day  whose  deaths  are  more  admirable  than 
their  lives.  Mr.  Adams'  deportment  in  the  Presidency 
was  lofty  and  proud  ;  but  the  smile  with  which  he 
throws  aside  the  trappings  of  power,  and  the  graceful 
propriety  with  which  he  takes  leave  of  patronage  and 
place,  are  truly  commendable." 

*  American  Annual  Register. 


CHAPTER   XI. 

MR.  ADAMS'    MULTIPLIED  ATTAINMENTS — VISITED  BY  SOUTHERN 

GENTLEMEN HIS     REPORT    ON    WEIGHTS     AND     MEASURES 

HIS    POETRY ERECTS    A    MONUMENT  TO  THE  MEMORY  OF  HIS 

PARENTS ELECTED  MEMBER    OF    CONGRESS LETTER  TO  Till! 

BIBLE    SOCIETY DELIVERS    EULOGY    ON    DEATH  OF  EX-PRES 
IDENT    MONROE. 

FEW  public  men  in  any  country  have  possessed 
attainments  more  varied  than  were  those  of  Mr. 
Adams.  Every  department  of  literature  and  science 
received  more  or  less  of  his  attention — every  path  of 
human  improvement  seems  to  have  been  explored  by 
him.  As  a  statesman,  he  was  unrivalled  in  the  pro 
fundity  of  his  knowledge.  His  state  papers — given  to 
the  world  while  Minister,  Secretary  of  State,  President, 
and  Member  of  Congress — his  numerous  addresses, 
orations,  and  speeches,  are  astonishing  in  number,  and 
in  the  learning  they  display.*'  No  man  was  more 

*  Aside  from  his  state  papers,  official  correspondence,  and  speeches, 
which  would  make  many  volumes,  the  Literary  World  gives  the  follow 
ing  list  of  the  published  writings  of  Mr.  Adams : — 

"1.  Oration  at  Boston,  1793;  2.  Answer  to  Paine's  Rights  of  Man, 
1793  ;  3.  Address  to  the  Members  of  the  Massachusetts  Charitable  Fire 
Society;  4.  Letters  on  Silesia;  5.  Letters  on  Silesia.  1804;  (;.  Inau 
gural  Oration  at  Harvard  College,  lbO'5;  7.  Letters  to  H.  G.  Otis,  in 
reply  to  Timothy  Pickering,  1808 ;  8.  Review  of  the  Works  of  Fisher 
Ames,  1809  ;  9.  Lectures  on  Rhetoric  and  Oratory,  two  volumes,  1810  ; 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  233 

familiar  with  modern  history,  with  diplomacy  and 
international  law,  and  the  politics  of  America  and 
Europe  for  the  last  two  or  three  centuries. 

In  other  departments  he  appeared  equally  at  home. 
His  acquaintance  was  familiar  with  the  classics,  and 
several  modern  languages.  In  oratory,  rhetoric,  and 
the  various  departments  of  belles  lettres,  his  attain 
ments  were  of  more  than  an  ordinary  character.  His 
commentaries  on  Desdemona,  and  others  of  Shak- 
speare's  characters,  show  that  he  was  no  mean  critic, 
in  the  highest  walks  of  literature,  and  in  all  that  pertain? 
to  human  character. 

The  following  interesting  account  of  an  interview 
with  ex-President  Adams,  by  a  southern  gentleman,  in 


10.  Report  on  Weights  and  Measures.  1821 ;  11.  Oration  at  Washing 
ton,  1821  ;  12.  Duplicate  Letters  ;  the  Fisheries  and  the  Mississippi, 
1822;  13.  Oration  to  the  citizens  of  Quincy,  1831;  14.  Oration  on  the 
Death  of  Jam>  s  Monroe,  1831  ;  15.  Dermot  McMorrogh,  or  the  Con 
quest  of  Ireland.  1832;  16.  Letters  to  Edward  Livingston,  on  Free 
Masonry,  1833  ;  17.  Letters  to  William  L.  Stone,  on  the  entered  appren 
tice's  oath,  1833  ;  18.  Oration  on  the  Life  and  Character  of  Lafayette, 
1835;  19.  Oration  on  the  Life  and  Character  of  James  Madison,  1836; 
20.  The  Characters  of  Shakspeare,  1837;  21.  Oration  delivered  at 
Newburyport,  1837;  22.  Letters  to  his  Constituents  of  the  Twelfth 
Congressional  District  of  Massachusetts.  1837  ;  23.  The  Jubilee  of  the 
Constitution.  1839  ;  24.  A  Discourse  on  Education,  delivered  at  Brain- 
tree,  1840;  25.  An  Address  at  the  Observatory.  Cincinnati,  1843. 

Among  the  unpublished  works  of  Mr.  Adams,  besides  his  Diary,  which 
extends  over  half  a  century,  and  would  probably  make  some  two  dozen 
stout  octavos,  are  Memoirs  of  the  earlier  Public  and  Private  Life  of 
John  Adams,  second  President  of  the  United  States,  in  three  volumes  ; 
Reports  and  Speeches  on  Public  Affairs ;  Poems,  including  two  new 
cantos  of  Dermot  McMorrogh,  a  Translation  of  Oberon,  and  numerous 
Essays  and  Discourses  " 


234  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

1834,  affords  some  just  conceptions  of  the  versatility 
3f  his  genius,  and  the  profoundness  of  his  erudition: — 

"  Yesterday,  accompanied  by  my  friend  T.,  I  paid  a  visit  to  the 
/enerable  ex-President,  at  his  residence  in  Quincy.  A  violent  rain 
netting  in  as  soon  as  we  arrived,  gave  us  from  five  to  nine  o'clock 
to  listen  to  the  learning  of  this  man  of  books.  His  residence  is  ;i 
plain,  very  plain  one  :  the  room  into  which  we  were  ushered,  (tho 
drawing-room,  I  suppose,)  was  furnished  in  true  republican  style. 
It  is  probably  of  ancient  construction,  as  I  perceived  two  beam:> 
projecting  from  the  low  ceiling,  in  the  manner  of  the  beams  in  a 
ship's  cabin.  Prints  commemorative  of  political  events,  and  the  old 
family  portraits,  hung  about  the  room  ;  common  straw  matting 
covered  the  floor,  and  two  candlesticks,  bearing  sperm  candles, 
ornamented  the  mantle-piece.  'The  personal  appearance  of  the  ex- 
President  himself  corresponds  with  the  simplicity  of  his  furniture. 
He  resembles  rather  a  substantial,  well-fed  farmer,  than  one  who 
has  wielded  the  destinies  of  this  mighty  Confederation,  and  been 
bred  in  the  ceremony  and  etiquette  of  an  European  Court.  In  fact, 
he  appears  to  possess  none  of  that  sternness  of  character  which 
you  would  suppose  to  belong  to  one  a  large  part  of  whose  life  has 
been  spent  in  political  warfare,  or,  at  any  rate,  amidst  scenes  requir 
ing  a  vast  deal  of  nerve  and  inflexibility. 

"  Mrs.  Adams  is  described  in  a  word  — a  lady.  She  has  all  the 
warmth  of  heart  and  ease  of  manner  that  mark  the  character  of  the 
southern  ladies,  and  from  which  it  would  be  no  easy  matter  to  dis 
tinguish  her. 

"  The  ex-President  was  the  chief  talker.  He  spoke  with  infinite 
ease,  drawing  upon  his  vast  resources  with  the  certainty  of  one 
who  has  his  lecture  before  him  ready  written.  The  whole  of  his 
conversation,  which  steadily  he  maintained  for  nearly  four  hours, 
was  a  continued  stream  of  light.  Well  contented  was  I  to  be  a 
listener.  His  subjects  were  the  architecture  of  the  middle  ages ;  the 
stained  glass  of  that  period ;  sculpture,  embracing  monuments  par 
ticularly.  On  this  subject  his  opinion  of  Mrs.  Nightingale's  monu 
ment  in  Westminster  Abbey,  differs  from  all  others  that  I  have 
seen  or  heard.  He  places  it  above  every  other  in  the  Abbey,  and 
observed  in  relation  to  it,  that  the  spectator  '  saw  nothing  else.' 
Milton,  Shakspeare,  Shenstone,  Pope,  Byron,  and  Southey  were  in 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  235 

,  jrn  remarked  upon.  He  gave  Pope  a  wonderfully  high  character, 
and  remarked  that  one  of  his  chief  beauties  was  the  skill  exhibited 
in  varying  the  cesural  pause — quoting  from  various  parts  of  his 
author,  to  illustrate  his  remarks  more  fully.  He  said  very  little  on 
the  politics  of  the  country.  He  spoke  at  considerable  length  of 
Sheridan  and  Burke,  both  o  whom  he  had  heard,  and  could  describe 
with  the  most  graphic  effect.  He  also  spoke  of  Junius  ;  and  it  is 
remarkable  that  he  should  place  him  so  far  above  the  best  of  his 
contemporaries.  He  spoke  of  him  as  a  bad  man ;  but  maintained,  as 
a  writer,  that  he  had  never  been  equalled. 

"  The  conversation  never  flagged  for  a  moment ;  and  on  the 
whole,  I  shall  remember  my  visit  to  Quincy,  as  amongst  the  most 
instructive  and  pleasant  I  ever  passed." 


As  a  theologian,  Mr.  Adams  was  familiar  with  the 
tenets  of  the  various  denominations  which  compose  the 
great  Christian  family,  and  acquainted  with  the  prin 
cipal  arguments  by  which  they  support  their  peculiar 
views.  While  entertaining  decided  opinions  of  his 
own,  which  he  did  not  hesitate  to  avow  on  all  proper 
occasions,  he  was  tolerant  of  the  sentiments  of  all  who 
differed  from  him.  He  deemed  it  one  of  the  most 
sacred  rights  of  every  American  citizen,  and  of  every 
human  being,  to  worship  God  according  to  the  dic 
tates  of  his  own  conscience,  without  let  or  hindrance, 
our  laws  equally  tolerating,  and  equally  protecting 
every  sect. 

In  the  most  abstruse  sciences  he  was  equally  at 
home.  His  report  to  Congress,  while  Secretary  of 
State,  on  Weights  and  Measures  was  very  elaborate, 
and  evinced  a  deep  and  careful  research  into  this  im 
portant  but  most  difficult  subject.  That  report  was 


236  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

of  the  utmost  value.  Adopting  the  philosophical  and 
unchangeable  basis  of  the  modern  French  system  of 
mensuration,  an  arc  of  the  meridian,  it  laid  the  founda 
tion  for  the  accurate  manipulations  and  scientific  cal 
culations  of  the  late  Professor  Hassler,  which  have 
furnished  an  unerring  standard  of  Weights  and  Meas 
ures  to  the  people  of  this  country.  In  a  very  learned 
notice  of  "  Measures,  Weights,  and  Money,"  by  Col. 
Pasley,  Royal  Engineer,  F.  R.  S.,  published  in  London, 
in  1834,  he  pays  the  following  well-merited  compliment 
to  Mr.  Adams  : — 

"  I  cannot  pass  over  the  labors  of  former  writers,  without  ac 
knowledging  in  particular,  the  benefit  which  I  have  derived,  whilst 
investigating  the  historical  part  of  my  subject,  from  a  book  printed 
at  Washington,  in  1821,  as  an  official  Report  on  Weights  and 
Measures,  made  by  a  distinguished  American  statesman,  Mr.  John 
Quincy  Adams,  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  of  which  he  was 
afterwards  President.  This  author  has  thrown  more  light  into  the 
history  of  our  old  English  weights  and  measures,  than  all  former 
writers  on  the  same  subject.  His  views  of  historical  facts,  even 
where  occasionally  in  opposition  to  the  reports  of  our  own  Par 
liamentary  Committees,  appear  to  me  to  be  the  most  correct.  For 
my  own  part,  I  confess  that  I  do  not  think  I  could  have  seen  my 
way  into  the  history  of  English  weights  and  measures,  in  the  feudal 
ages,  without  his  guidance." 

To  his  other  accomplishments  Mr.  Adams  added 
that  of  a  poet.  His  pretensions  in  this  department 
were  humble,  yet  many  of  his  productions,  thrown  off 
hastily,  no  doubt,  during  brief  respites  from  severer 
labors,  possess  no  little  merit.  A  few  specimens  will 
not  be  uninteresting  to  the  reader. 


LIFE    O?    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  237 

The  following  stanzas  are  from  a  hymn  by  Mr. 
Adams  for  the  celebration  of  the  4th  of  July,  1831, 
at  Quinsy,  Mass. : — 

"  Sing  to  the  Lord  a  song  of  praise ; 

Assemble,  ye  who  love  his  name  ; 
Let  congregated  millions  raise 

Triumphant  glory's  loud  acclaim. 
From  earth's  remotest  regions  come  ; 

Come,  greet  your  Maker,  and  your  King ; 
With  harp,  with  timbrel,  and  with  drum, 

His  praise  let  hill  and  valley  sing. 


"  Go  forth  in  arms  ;  Jehovah  reigns ; 

Their  graves  let  foul  oppressors  find  ; 
Bind  all  their  sceptred  kings  in  chains  ; 

Their  peers  with  iron  fetters  bind. 
Then  to  the  Lord  shall  praise  ascend ; 

Then  all  mankind,  with  one  accord, 
And  freedom's  voice,  till  time  shall  end, 

In  pealing  anthems,  praise  the  Lord." 

The  lines  which  follow  were  inscribed  to  the  sun 
dial  under  the  window  of  the  hall  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  at  Washington: — 

"  Thou  silent  herald  of  Time's  silent  flight ! 

Say,  couldst  thou  speak,  what  warning  voice  were  thine  1 

Shade,  who  canst  only  show  how  others  shine  ! 
Dark,  sullen  witness  of  resplendent  light 
In  day's  broad  glare,  and  when  the  noontide  bright 

Of  laughing  fortune  sheds  the  ray  divine, 

Thy  ready  favors  cheer  us — but  decline 
The  clouds  of  morning  and  the  gloom  of  night. 
Yet  are  thy  counsels  faithful,  just  and  wise  ; 

They  bid  us  sieze  the  moments  as  they  pass— 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

Snatch  the  retrievcless  sunbeam  as  it  flies, 

Nor  lose  one  sand  of  life's  revolving  glass — 
Aspiring  still,  with  energy  sublime, 
By  virtuous  deeds  to  give  eternity  to  Time." 

It  is  seldom  that  lines  more  pure  and  beautiful  can 
be  found,  than  the  following  on  the  death  of  children  :— 

"  Sure,  to  the  mansions  of  the  blest 
When  infant  innocence  ascends, 
Some  angel  brighter  than  the  rest 
The  spotless  spirit's  flight  attends. 

"  On  wings  of  ecstacy  they  rise, 

Beyond  where  worlds  material  roll, 
Till  some  fair  sister  of  the  skies 
Receives  the  unpolluted  soul. 

"  There  at  the  Almighty  Father's  hand, 

Nearest  the  throne  of  living  light, 
The  choirs  of  infant  seraphs  stand, 

And  dazzling  shine,  where  all  are  bright. 

"  The  inextinguishable  beam, 

With  dust  united  at  our  birth, 
Sheds  a  more  dim,  discolored  gleam, 
The  more  it  lingers  upon  earth  : 

"  Closed  is  the  dark  abode  of  clay, 

The  stream  of  glory  faintly  burns, 
Nor  unobscured  the  lucid  ray 
To  its  own  native  fount  returns  : 

"  But  when  the  Lord  of  mortal  breath 

Decrees  his  bounty  to  resume, 
And  points  the  silent  shaft  of  death, 
Which  speeds  an  infant  to  the  tomb, 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QU1XCY    ADAMS.  239 

"  No  passion  fierce,  no  low  desire, 

Has  quenched  the  radiance  of  the  flame  ; 
Back  to  its  God  the  living  fire 
Returns,  unsullied,  as  it  came." 

The  heart  which  could  turn  aside  from  the  stern 
conflicts  of  the  political  world,  and  utter  sentiments  so 
chaste  and  tender,  must  have  been  the  residence  of  the 
sweetest  and  noblest  emotions  of  man. 

Having  taken  final  leave,  as  he  believed,  of  the  duties 
of  public  life,  and  retired  to  the  beloved  shades  of 
Quincy,  it  was  the  desire  and  intention  of  Mr.  Adams 
to  devote  the  remainder  of  his  days  to  the  peaceful 
pursuits  of  literature.  It  had  long  been  his  purpose, 
whenever  opportunity  should  offer,  to  write  a  history  of 
the  life  and  times  of  his  venerated  father,  "  the  elder 
Adams."  His  heart  was  fixed  on  this  design,  and 
some  introductory  labors  had  been  commenced.  But 
an  overruling  Providence  had  a  widely  different  work 
in  preparation  for  him. 

If  Mr.  Adams  had  been  permitted  to  follow  the  bent 
of  his  own  feelings  at  that  time — if  he  had  continued  in 
the  retirement  he  had  so  anxiously  sought  as  a  rest 
from  the  toils  of  half  a  century — the  brightest  page  of 
his  wonderful  history  would  have  remained  forever  un 
written.  He  would  have  been  remembered  as  a  dis 
creet  and  trusty  diplomatist,  an  able  statesman,  a  suc 
cessful  politician,  a  capable  President,  and  an  honest 
honorable  man  !  This  would,  indeed,  have  been 


240  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

a  measure  of  renown  with  which  most  men  would  have 
been  content,  and  which  few  of  the  most  fortunate  sons 
of  earth  can  ever  attain.  He  was  abundant!}7  satisfied 
with  it.  He  asked  for  nothing  more — he  expected 
nothing  more  this  side  the  grave.  But  it  was  not 
enough  !  Fame  was  wreathing  brighter  garlands, 
a  more  worthy  chaplet,  for  his  brow.  A  higher,  nobler 
task  was  before  him,  than  any  enterprize  which  had 
claimed  his  attention.  His  long  and  distinguished  ca 
reer — his  varied  and  invaluable  experience — had  been 
but  a  preparation  to  enable  him  to  enter  upon  the  real 
work  of  life  for  which  he  was  raised  up. 

The  world  did  not  yet  know  John  Quincy  Adams 
Long  as  he  had  been  before  the  public,  the  mass  had 
thus  far  failed  to  read  him  aright.  Hitherto  circum 
stances  had  placed  him  in  collision  with  aspiring  men. 
He  stood  in  their  way  to  station  and  power.  There 
was  a  motive  to  conceal  his  virtues  and  magnify  his 
faults.  He  had  never  received  from  his  opposers  the 
smallest  share  of  credit  really  due  to  him  for  patriot 
ism,  self-devotion,  and  purity  of  purpose.  Even  his 
most  devoted  friends  did  not  fully  appreciate  these 
qualities  in  him.  During  his  long  public  service,  he 
had  ever  been  an  object  of  hatred  and  vituperation  to 
a  class  of  minds  utterly  incapable  of  estimating  his 
talents  or  comprehending  his  high  principles  of  action. 
In  the  heat  of  political  struggles,  no  abuse,  no  defama 
tion,  were  too  great  to  heap  upon  him.  Misrepresent 
ation,  duplicity,  malignity,  did  their  worst.  Did  he 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  241 

utter  a  patriotic  sentiment,  it  was  charged  to  hypocrisy 
and  political  cunning.  Did  he  do  a  noble  deed,  worthy 
to  be  recorded  in  letters  of  gold — sacrificing  party 
predilections  and  friendship  to  support  the  interest  of 
his  country,  and  uphold  the  reputation  and  dignity  of 
its  Government — it  was  attributed  to  a  wretched  pan 
dering  for  the  emoluments  of  office.  Did  he  endeavor 
to  exercise  the  powers  entrusted  to  him  as  President 
in  such  a  manner  as  to  preserve  peace  at  home  and 
abroad,  develope  the  internal  resources  of  the  nation, 
improve  facilities  for  transportation  and  travel,  protect 
and  encourage  the  industry  of  the  country,  and  in 
every  department  promote  the  permanent  prosperity 
and  welfare  of  the  people — it  was  allowed  to  be  nothing 
more  than  the  arts  of  an  intriguer,  seeking  a  re 
election  to  the  Presidency.  Yea,  it  was  declared  in 
advance,  that,  "if  his  administration  should  be  as  pure 
as  the  angels  in  heaven/'  it  should  be  overthrown. 
Did  he  exhibit  the  plain  simplicity  of  a  true  republican 
in  his  dress  and  manners,  and  economy  in  all  his 
expenditures,  it  was  attributed  to  parsimony  and  mean 
ness  !  A  majority  of  his  countrymen  had  been  de 
ceived  as  to  his  principles  and  character,  and  sacrificed 
him  politically  on  the  altar  of  prejudice  and  party  spirit. 
Throughout  his  life  he  had  ever  been  a  lover  of  man 
and  of  human  freedom — the  best  friend  of  his  country 
. — the  most  faithful  among  the  defenders  of  its  insti 
tutions — a  sincere  republican,  and  a  true  man.  But 
blinded  bv  oolitical  prejudice,  a  large  portion  of  his 


242  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

fellow-citizens  refused  the  boon  of  credit  for  these 
qualities.  It  remained  for  another  stage  of  his  life, 
another  field  of  display,  to  correct  them  of  this  error, 
and  to  vindicate  his  character.  It  was  requisite  that 
he  should  step  down  from  his  high  position,  disrobe 
himself  of  office,  power  and  patronage,  place  himself 
beyond  the  reach  of  the  remotest  suspicion  of  a  desire 
for  political  preferment  and  emolument,  to  satisfy  the 
world  that  John  Quincy  Adams  had  from  the  begin 
ning,  been  a  pure-hearted  patriot,  and  one  of  the 
noblest  sons  of  the  American  Confederacy.  His  new 
career  was  to  furnish  a  luminous  commentary  on  his 
past  life,  and  to  convince  the  most  sceptical,  of  the 
justice  of  his  olaim  to  rank  among  the  highest  and  best 
of  American  patriots.  Placed  beyond  the  reach  of 
any  gift  of  office  from  the  nation,  with  nothing  to  hope 
for,  and  nothing  to  fear  in  this  respect,  he  was  to  write 
his  name  in  imperishable  characters,  so  high  on  the 
tablets  of  his  country's  history  and  fame,  as  to  be  be 
yond  the  utmost  reach  of  malignity  or  suspicion  !  The 
door  which  led  to  this  closing  act  of  his  dramatic  life, 
was  soon  opened. 

On  returning  to  Qumcy,  one  of  the  first  things 
which  received  the  attention  of  Mr.  Adams,  was  the 
discharge  of  a  filial  duty  towards  his  deceased  parents, 
in  the  erection  of  a  monument  to  their  memory.  The 
elder  Adams  in  his  will,  among  other  liberal  bequests, 
had  left  a  large  legacy  to  aid  in  the  erection  of  a  new 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS.  243 

Unitarian  church  in  Quincy.  The  edifice  was  com 
pleted,  and  ex- President  J.  Q.  Adams  caused  the  monu 
ment  to  his  father  and  mother  to  be  erected  within  the 
walls.  It  was  a  plain  and  simple  design,  consisting  of  a 
tablet,  having  recessed  pilasters  at  the  sides,  with  a  base 
moulding  and  cornice  ;  the  whole  supported  by  trusses 
at  the  base.  The  material  of  which  it  was  made  was 
Italian  marble ;  and  the  whole  was  surmounted  by  a 
fine  bust  of  John  Adams,  from  the  chisel  of  Greenough, 
the  American  artist,  then  at  Rome.  The  inscription, 
one  of  the  most  feeling,  appropriate,  and  classical 
specimens  extant,  was  as  follows  : — 

"  LIBERT ATEM  AMICITTAM   FIDEM    RETIXEBIS. 
D.  O.  M.* 

Beneath  these  Walls 
Are  deposited  the  Mortal  Remains  of 

JOHN   ADAMS, 

Son  of  John  and  Susanna  (Boyalston)  Adams, 
Second  President  of  the  United  States. 

Born  19-30  October,  1735. 

On  the  fourth  of  July,  1776, 

He  pledged  his  Life,  Fortune,  and  Sacred  Honor 

To  the  INDEPENDENCE    OP    HIS    COUNTRY. 

On  the  third  of  September,  1783, 
He  affixed  his  Seal  to  the  definitive  Treaty  with  Great  Britain, 

Which  acknowledged  that  Independence, 

And  consummated  the  redemption  of  his  pledge. 

On  the  fourth  of  July,  1826, 

He  was  summoned 

To  the  Independence  of  Immortality, 

And  to  the  JUDGMENT  OF  HIS  GOD. 

This  House  will  bear  witness  to  his  Piety : 

This    Town,    his    Birth-place,    to   his    Munificence : 

History  to  his  Patriotism  : 
Posterity  to  the  Depth  and  Compass  of  his  Mind. 

*  Deo,  Optimo,  Maximo— io  God,  the  Best  and  Greatest. 


244  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

At  his   side 
Sleeps  till  the  Trump  shall  sound, 

ABIGAIL, 

His  beloved  and  only  Wife, 
Daughter  of  William  and  Elizabeth  (Q,uincy)  Smith. 

In  every  relation  of  Life,  a  pattern 

Of  Filial,  Conjugal,  Maternal,  and  Social  Virtue. 

Born    11-22   November,    17-14. 

Deceased  '28  October,  1818, 

A<red  74. 


Married  25  October,  17G4. 

During  a  union  of  more  than  half  a  century, 

They  survived,  in  Harmony  of  Sentiment,  Principle  and  Affection, 

The  Tempests  of  Civil  Commotion  ; 

Meeting  undaunted,  and  surmounting 

The  Terrors  and  Trials  of  that  Revolution 

Which  secured  the  Freedom  of  their  Country; 

Improved  the  Condition  of  their  Times; 

And  brightened  the  Prospects  of  Futurity 

To  the  Race  of  Man  upon  Earth. 


From  lives  thus  spent  thy  earthly  Duties  learn ; 
From  Fancy's  Dreams  to  active  Virtue  turn : 
Let  Freedom,  Friendship,  Faith  thy  Soul  engage, 
And  serve,  like  them,  thy  Country  and  thy  Age." 

Mr.  Adams  had  remained  in  the  retirement  of  Quincy 
but  little  more  than  a  single  year,  when  the  following 
paragraph  appeared  in  the  public  prints  throughout  the 
country  : — 

"  Mr.  Adams,  late  President  of  the  United  States,  is  named  as  a 
candidate  for  Congress,  from  the  district  of  Massachusetts  now 
represented  by  Mr.  Richardson,  who  declines  a  re-election." 

It  would  be  difficult  to  describe  the  surprise  created 
t>.  *his  announcement,  in  every  quarter  of  the  Union 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

Speculation  was  at  fault.  Would  he  accept  or  reject 
such  a  nomination  ?  By  a  large  class  it  was  deemed 
impossible  that  one  who  had  occupied  positions  so  ele 
vated — who  had  received  the  highest  honors  the  nation 
could  bestow  upon  him — would  consent  to  serve  the 
people  of  a  single  district,  in  a  capacity  so  humble, 
comparatively,  as  a  Representative  in  Congress.  Such 
a  thing  was  totally  unheard  of.  The  people,  however, 
of  the  Plymouth  congressional  district  in  which  he  re 
sided,  met  and  duly  nominated  him  for  the  proposed 
office.  All  doubts  as  to  his  acceptance  of  the  nomina 
tion  were  speedily  dispelled  by  the  appearance  of  a 
letter  from  Mr.  Adams,  in  the  Columbian  Sentinel, 
Oct.,  15,  1830,  in  which  he  says  : — 

"  If  my  fellow-citizens  of  the  district  should  think  proper  to  call 
for  such  services  as  it  may  be  in  my  power  to  render  them,  by  rep 
resenting  them  in  the  twenty-second  Congress,  I  am  not  aware  of 
any  sound  principle  which  would  justify  me  in  withholding  them. 
To  the  manifestations  of  confidence  on  the  part  of  those  portions 
of  the  people  who,  at  two  several  meetings,  have  seen  fit  to  present 
my  name  for  the  suffrages  of  the  district,  I  am  duly  and  deeply 
sensible." 

In  due  time  the  election  was  held,  and  Mr.  Adams 
was  returned  to  Congress,  by  a  vote  nearly  unanimous. 
From  that  time  forward  for  seven  teen  "years,  and  to  the 
hour  of  his  death,  he  occupied  the  post  of  Representa 
tive  in  Congress  from  the  Plymouth  district,  in  Massa 
chusetts,  with  unswerving  fidelity,  and  distinguished 
honor. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  many  of  the  best  friends 
K  16 


246  LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS. 

of  Mr.  Adams  seriously  questioned  the  propriety  of  his 
appearing  as  a  Representative  in  the  halls  of  Congress. 
It  was  a  step  never  before  taken  by  an  ex-President  of 
the  United  States.  They  apprehended  it  might  be  de 
rogatory  to  his  dignity,  and  injurious  to  his  reputation 
and  fame,  to  enter  into  the  strifes,  and  take  part  in  the 
litigations  and  contentions  which  characterize  the  na 
tional  House  of  Representatives.  Moreover,  they  were 
fearful  that  in  measuring  himself,  as  he  necessarily  must, 
in  the  decline  of  life,  with  younger  men  in  the  prime 
of  their  days,  who  were  urged  by  the  promptings  of 
ambition  to  tax  every  capacity  of  their  nature,  he  might 
injure  his  well-earned  reputation  for  strength  of  intel 
lect,  eloquence  and  statesmanship.  But  these  mis 
givings  were  groundless.  In  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  as  in  all  places  where  Mr.  Adams  was 
associated  with  others,  he  arose  immediately  to  the 
head  of  his  compeers.  So  far  from  suffering  in  his 
reputation,  it  was  immeasurably  advanced  during  his 
long  congressional  career.  T\Tew  powers  were  devel 
oped — new  traits  of  character  were  manifested — new 
and  repeated  instances  of  devotion  to  principle  and  the 
rights  of  man  were  made  known — which  added  a 
brighter  lustre  to  his  already  widely-extended  fame. 
He  exhibited  a  fund  of  knowledge  so  vast  and  profound 
— a  familiarity  so  perfect  with  nearly  every  topic  which 
claimed  the  attention  of  Congress — he  could  bring  forth 
from  his  well-replenished  storehouse  of  memory  so  vast 
an  array  of  facts,  shedding  light  upon  subjects  deeply 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCV    ADAM8.  247 


obscured  to  others  —  displayed  such  readiness  and  power 
in  debate,  pouring  out  streams  of  purest  eloquence,  or 
launching  forth  the  most  scathing  denunciations  when 
he  deemed  them  called  for  —  that  his  most  bitter  op- 
posers,  while  trembling  before  his  sarcasm,  and  dread 
ing  his  assaults,  could  not  but  grant  him  the  meed  of 
their  highest  admiration.  Well  did  he  deserve  the 
title  conferred  upon  him  by  general  consent,  of  "the 
Old  Man  Eloquent  !"• 

Had  Mr.  Adams  followed  the  bent  of  his  own  in 
clinations  —  had  he  consulted  simply  his  personal  ease 
and  comfort  —  he  would  probably  never  have  appeared 
again  in  public  life.  Having  received  the  highest  dis 
tinctions  his  country  could  bestow  upon  him,  blessec 
with  an  ample  fortune,  and  possessing  all  the  element? 
of  domestic  comfort,  he  would  have  passed  the  evening 
of  his  earthly  sojourn  in  peaceful  tranquillity,  at  the 
mansion  of  his  fathers  in  Quincy.  But  it  was  one  of 
the  sacred  rules  in  this  distinguished  statesman's  life,  tc 
yield  implicit  obedience  to  the  demands  of  duty.  His 
immediate  neighbors  and  fellow-citizens  called  him  to 
their  service  in  the  national  councils.  He  was  con 
scious  of  the  possession  of  talents,  knowledge,  experi 
ence,  and  all  the  qualifications  which  wrould  enable 
him  to  become  highly  useful,  not  only  in  acting  as  the 
representative  of  his  direct  constituents,  but  in  pro 
moting  the  welfare  of  our  common  country.  This 
conviction  once  becoming  fixed  in  his  mind,  decided 
his  course.  He  felt  he  had  no  choice  left  but  to  com- 


248  LiFE    OP    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

ply  unhesitatingly  with  the  demand  which  had  been 
made  upon  his  patriotism.  In  adopting  this  resolution 
— in  consenting,  after  having  been  once  at  the  head  of 
the  National  Government,  to  assume  again  the  labors 
of  public  life  in  a  subordinate  station,  wholly  divested 
of  power  and  patronage,  urged  by  no  influence  but  the 
claims  of  duty,  governed  by  no  motive  but  a  simple 
desire  to  serve  his  country  and  promote  the  well-being 
of  his  fellow-man — Mr.  Adams  presented  a  spectacle  of 
moral  sublimity  unequalled  in  the  annals  of  nations  ! 

For  many  years  Mr.  Adams  was  a  member,  anil 
one  of  the  Vice  Presidents,  of  the  American  Bibb 
Society.  In  reply  to  an  invitation  to  attend  its  anni 
versary  in  1830,  he  wrote  the  following  letter  : — 

"  Sir  : — -Your  letter  of  the  22d  of  March  was  duly  received ;  and 
while  regreting  my  inability  to  attend  personally  at  the  celebration 
of  the  anniversary  of  the  institution,  on  the  13th  of  next  month,  I 
pray  you,  sir,  to  be  assured  of  the  gratification  which  I  have 
experienced  in  learning  the  success  which  has  attended  the  benevo 
lent  exertions  of  the  American  Bible  Society. 

"  In  the  decease  of  Judge  Washington,  they  have  lost  an  able 
and  valuable  associate,  whose  direct  co-operation,  not  less  than  his 
laborious  and  exemplary  life,  contributed  to  promote  the  cause  of 
the  Redeemer.  Yet  not  for  him,  nor  for  themselves  by  the  loss  of 
him,  are  they  called  to  sorrow  as  without  hope ;  for  lives  like  his 
shine  but  as  purer  and  brighter  lights  in  the  world,  after  the  lamp 
which  fed  them  is  extinct,  than  before. 

"  The  distribution  of  Bibles,  if  the  simplest,  is  not  the  least 
efficacious  of  the  means  of  extending  the  blessings  of  the  Gospel 
to  the  remotest  corners  of  the  earth ;  for  the  Comforter  is  in  the 
sacred  volume  :  and  among  the  receivers  of  that  million  of  copies 
distributed  by  the  Society,  who  shall  number  the  multitudes 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUIXCY    ADAMS.  249 

awakened  thereby,  with  good  will  to  man  in  their  hearts,  and  with 
the  song  of  the  Lamb  upon  their  lips  ? 

"  The  hope  of  a  Christian  is  inseparable  from  his  faith.  Who 
ever  believes  in  the  divine  inspiration  of  the  holy  Scriptures,  must 
hope  that  the  religion  of  Jesus  shall  prevail  throughout  the  earth. 
Never  since  the  foundation  of  the  world  have  the  prospects  of 
mankind  been  more  encouraging  to  that  hope  than  they  appear  to 
be  at  the  present  time.  And  may  the  associated  distribution  of  the 
Bible  proceed  and  prosper,  till  the  Lord  shall  have  made  '  bare  his 
holy  arm  in  the  eyes  of  all  the  nations  ;  and  all  the  ends  of  the 
earth  shall  see  the  salvation  of  our  God.' 

"  With  many  respects  to  the  Board  of  Managers,  please  to  accept 
the  good  wishes  of  your  friend  and  fellow-citizen, 

"  JOHN  QTJINCT  ADAMS." 

On  the  4th  of  July,  1831,  at  half  past  three  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon,  the  venerable  JAMES  MONROE,  fifth 
President  of  the  United  States,  departed  life,  aged  73 
years.  He  died  at  the  residence  of  his  son-in-law, 
Samuel  L.  Gouverneur,  Esq.,  in  the  city  of  New  York. 
His  decease  had  been  for  some  days  expected ;  but 
life  lingered  until  the  anniversary  of  his  country's 
independence,  when  his  spirit  took  its  departure  to  a 
better  world.  Throughout  the  United  States,  honors 
were  paid  to  his  memory  by  hoisting  of  flags  at  half 
mast,  the  tolling  of  bells,  firing  of  minute  guns,  the 
passing  of  resolutions,  and  delivery  of  eulogies.  He 
was,  emphatically,  a  great  and  good  man,  respected  and 
beloved  by  the  people  of  all  parties,  without  exception. 
There  are  few  instances  in  the  history  of  the  world,  of 
more  remarkable  coincidences  than  the  death  of  three 
Presidents  of  the  United  States,  who  took  most  promi 
nent  parts  in  proclaiming  and  achieving  the  independ- 


250  LIFE    OF    JOHN    CiUINCY    ADAMS. 

ence  of  our  country,  on  the  anniversary  of  the  day 
when  the  declaration  of  that  independence  was  made  to 
the  world.  The  noise  of  the  firing  of  cannon,  in  cele 
brating  the  day,  caused  the  eyes  of  the  dying  Monroe  to 
open  inquiringly.  When  the  occasion  of  these  rejoic 
ings  was  communicated  to  him,  a  look  of  intelligence 
indicated  that  he  understood  the  character  of  the  day 

At  this  anniversary  of  our  National  Independence, 
Mr.  Adams  delivered  an  oration  before  the  citizens  of 
Quincy.  It  was  an  able  and  eloquent  production. 
The  following  were  the  concluding  paragraphs.  Iti 
reference  to  nullification,  which  was  threatened  by 
some  of  the  Southern  States,  he  said  : — • 

"  The  event  of  a  conflict  in  arms,  between  the  Union  and  one  of 
its  members,  whether  terminating  in  victory  or  defeat,  would  be  but 
an  alternative  of  calamity  to  all.  In  the  holy  records  of  antiquity, 
we  have  two  examples  of  a  confederation  ruptured  by  the  sever 
ance  of  its  members,  one  of  which  resulted,  after  three  desperate 
battles,  in  the  extermination  of  the  seceding  tribe.  And  the  vic 
torious  people,  instead  of  exulting  in  shouts  of  triumph,  came  to  the 
house  of  God,  and  abode  there  till  even,  before  God  ;  and  lifted  up 
their  voices,  and  wept  sore,  and  said, — ()  Lord  God  of  Israel  why  is 
this  come  to  pass  in  Israel,  that  there  should  be  to-day  one  tribe  lack 
ing  in  Israel  ?  The  other  was  a  successful  example  of  resistance 
against  tyrannical  taxation,  and  severed  forever  the  confederacy, 
the  fragments  forming  separate  kingdoms  ;  and  from  that  day  their 
history  presents  an  unbroken  series  of  disastrous  alliances,  ami 
exterminating  wars — of  assassinations,  conspiracies,  revolts,  and 
rebellions,  until  both  parts  of  the  confederacy  sunk  into  tributary 
servitude  to  the  nations  around  them ;  till  the  countrymen  of  David 
and  Solomon  hung  their  harps  upon  the  willows  of  Babylon,  and 
were  totally  lost,  amidst  the  multitudes  of  the  Chaldean  and  Assyrian 
monarchies,  '  the  most  despised  portion  of  their  slaves  ' 

"  In  these  mournful  memorials  of  their  fate,  we  may  behold  the 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUIXCY    ADAMS.  251 

sure,  too  sure  prognostication  of  our  own,  from  the  hour  when  force 
shall  be  substituted  for  deliberation,  in  the  settlement  of  our  con 
stitutional  questions.  This  is  the  deplorable  alternative — the  extir 
pation  of  the  seceding  member,  or  the  never-ceasing  struggle  of 
two  rival  confederacies,  ultimately  bending  the  neck  of  both  under 
the  yoke  of  foreign  domination,  or  the  despotic  sovereignty  of  a 
conqueror  at  home.  May  heaven  avert  the  omen !  The  destinies, 
not  only  of  our  posterity,  but  of  the  human  race,  are  at  stake. 

"  Let  no  such  melancholy  forebodings  intrude  upon  the  festivities 
of  this  anniversary.  Serene  skies  and  balmy  breezes  are  not  con 
genial  to  tiie  climate  of  freedom.  Progressive  improvement  in  the 
condition  of  man,  is  apparently  the  purpose  of  a  superintending 
Providence.  That  purpose  will  not  be  disappointed.  In  no  delu 
sion  of  national  vanity,  but  with  a  feeling  of  profound  gratitude  to 
the  God  of  our  fathers,  let  us  indulge  in  the  cheering  hope  and  be 
lief,  that  our  country  and  her  people  have  been  selected  as  instru 
ments  for  preparing  and  maturing  much  of  the  good  yet  in  reserve 
for  the  welfare  and  happiness  of  the  human  race.  Much  good  has 
already  been  effected  by  the  solemn  proclamation  of  our  prin 
ciples — much  more  by  the  illustration  of  our  example.  The 
tempest  which  threatens  desolation  may  be  destined  only  to  purify 
the  atmosphere.  It  is  not  in  tranquil  ease  and  enjoyment  that 
the  active  energies  of  mankind  are  displayed.  Toils  and  dan 
gers  are  trials  of  the  soul.  Doomed  to  the  first  by  his  sentence  at 
the  fall,  man  by  submission  converts  them  into  pleasures.  The  last 
are,  since  the  fall,  the  conditions  of  his  existence.  To  see  them  in 
advance,  to  guard  against  them  by  all  the  suggestions  of  prudence, 
to  meet  them  with  the  composure  of  unyielding  resistance,  and  to 
abide  with  firm  resignation  the  final  dispensation  of  Him  who  rules 
the  ball — these  are  the  dictates  of  philosophy — these  are  the  pre 
cepts  of  religion — these  are  the  principles  and  consolations  of  pa 
triotism — these  remain  when  all  is  lost — and  of  these  is  composed 
the  spirit  of  independence — the  spirit  embodied  in  that  beautiful  per 
sonification  of  the  poet,  which  may  each  of  you,  my  countrymen, 
to  the  last  hour  of  his  life,  apply  to  himself, — 

«Thy  spirit,  Independence,  let  me  share, 
Lord  of  the  lion  heart,  and  eagle  eye ! 
Thy  steps  I  follow,  with  my  bosom  bare, 
Nor  heed  the  storm  that  howls  alojuj  the  »fcy.' 


252  L;FE  OF  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

"  In  the  course  of  nature,  the  voice  which  now  addresses  you 
must  soon  cease  to  be  hoard  upon  earth.  Life  and  all  which  it  in 
herits  lose  their  value  as  it  draws  towards  its  close.  But  for  most 
of  you,  my  friends  and  neighbors,  long  and  many  years  of  futurit'r 
are  yet  in  store.  May  they  be  years  of  freedom — years  of  pros 
perity — years  of  happiness,  ripening  for  immortality  !  But,  wor; 
/he  breath  which  now  gives  utterance  to  my  feelings  the  last  vital 
air  I  should  draw,  my  expiring  words  to  you  and  your  children 
should  be,  Independence  and  Union  forever .'" 

A  few  weeks  subsequent  to  the  death  of  ex-Presi 
dent  Monroe,  Mr.  Adarns  delivered  an  interesting  anc! 
able  eulogy  on  his  life  and  character,  before  the  public, 
authorities  of  the  city  of  Boston,  in  Faneuil  Hall.  Ii. 
drawing  to  a  conclusion,  he  used  the  following  Ian 
guage  :— 

"  Our  country,  by  the  bountiful  dispensations  of  a  gracious 
Heaven,  is,  and  for  a  series  of  years  has  been,  blessed  with  pro 
found  peace.  But  when  the  first  father  of  our  race  had  exhibited 
before  him,  by  the  archangel  sent  to  announce  his  doom,  and  to 
console  him  in  his  fall,  the  fortunes  and  misfortunes  of  his  descend 
ants,  he  saw  that  the  deepest  of  their  miseries  would  befal  them 
while  favored  with  all  the  blessings  of  peace ;  and  in  the  bitterness 
of  his  anguish  he  exclaimed  : — 

'  Now  I  sec 
Peace  to  corrupt,  no  less  than  war  to  waste.' 

"  It  is  the  very  fervor  of  the  noonday  sun,  in  the  cloudless  atmos 
phere  of  a  summer  sky,  which  breeds 

'the  sweeping  whirlwind's  sway, 
That,  hushed  in  grim  repose,  expects  his  evening  prey.' 

"  You  have  insured  the  gallant  ship  which  ploughs  the  wavosj 
freighted  with  your  lives  and  your  children's  fortunes,  from  the  fury 
of  the  tempest  above,  and  from  the  treachery  of  the  wave  beneath. 
Beware  of  the  danger  against  which  you  can  alone  insure  your 
selves  — the  latent  defect  of  the  gallant  ship  itself.  Pass  but  a  few 


LIFE    OP    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS.  253 

short  days,  and  forty  years  will  have  elapsed  since  the  voice  of  him 
who  addresses  you,  speaking  to  your  fathers  from  this  hallowed 
spot,  gave  for  you,  in  the  face  of  Heaven,  the  solemn  pledge,  that 
if,  in  the  course  of  your  career  on  earth,  emergencies  should  arise, 
calling  for  the  exercise  of  those  energies  and  virtues  which,  in 
times  of  tranquillity  and  peace  remain  by  the  will  of  Heaven  dor 
mant  in  the  human  bosom,  you  would  prove  yourselves  not  un 
worthy  the  sires  who  had  toiled,  and  fought,  and  bled,  for  the  inde 
pendence  of  the  country.     Nor  has  that  pledge  been  unredeemed. 
You  have  maintained  through  times  of  trial  and  danger  the  inher 
itance  of  freedom,  of  union,  of  independence  bequeathed  you  by 
your  forefathers.     It  remains  for  you  only  to  transmit  the  same 
peerless  legacy,  unimpaired,  to  your  children  of  the  next  succeeding 
age.     To  this  end,  let  us  join  in  humble  supplication  to  the  Founder 
of  empires  and  the  Creator  of  all  worlds,  that  he  would  continue  to 
your  posterity  the  smiles  which  his  favor  has  bestowed  upon  you ; 
and,  since  '  it  is  not  in  man  that  walketh  to  direct  his  steps,'  that  he 
would  enlighten  and  lead  the  advancing  generation  in  the  way  they 
should  go.     That  in  all  the  perils,  and  all  the  mischances  which 
may  threaten  or  befall  our  United  Republic,  in  after  times,  he  would 
raise  up  from  among  your  sons  deliverers  to  enlighten  her  councils, 
to  defend  her  freedom,  and  if  need  be,  to  lead  her  armies  to  victory. 
And  should  the  gloom  of  the  year  of  independence  ever  again  over 
spread  the  sky,  or  the  metropolis  of  your  empire  be  once  more  des 
tined  to  smart  under  the  scourge  of  an  invader's  hand,*  that  there 
never  may  be  found  wanting  among  the  children  of  your  country, 
a  warrior  to  bleed,  a  statesman  to  counsel,  a  chief  to  direct  and 
govern,  inspired  with  all  the  virtues,  and  endowed  with  all  the 
faculties  which  have  been  so  signally  displayed  in  the  life  of  JAMES 
MONROE." 

*  Alluding  to  the  burning  of  the  city  of  Washington,  in  the  war  of 
1812. 

K* 


CHAPTER   XII. 

MR.    ADAMS    TAKES    HIS    SEAT  IN  CONGRESS— HIS  POSITION  AND 

HABITS    AS    A    MEMBER HIS  INDEPENDENCE  OF  PARTY IIL'l 

EULOGY    ON    THE    DEATH    OF    EX-PRESIDENT    JAMES    MADISO> 

HIS    ADVOCACY    OF    THE    RIGHT    OF    PETITION,    AND    OPPO 

SITION    TO    SLAVERY INSURRECTION    IN    TEXAS MR.    ADAMii 

MAKES    KNOWN    ITS    ULTERIOR    OBJECT. 

MR.  ADAMS  took  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Represent 
atives  without  ostentation,  in  December,  1831.  His 
appearance  there  produced  a  profound  sensation.  It 
was  the  first  time  an  ex-President  had  ever  entered 
that  Hall  in  the  capacity  of  a  member.  He  was  received 
with  the  highest  marks  of  respect.  It  presented  a 
singular  spectacle  to  behold  members  of  Congress 
who,  when  Mr.  Adams  was  President,  had  charged  him 
with  every  species  of  political  corruption,  and  loaded 
his  name  with  the  most  opprobrious  epithets,  now 
vicing  with  one  another  in  bestowing  upon  him  the 
highest  marks  of  respect  and  confidence.  That  which 
they  denied  the  President,  they  freely  yielded  to  the 
MAN.  It  was  the  true  homage  which  virtue  and 
patriotism  must  ever  receive — more  honorable,  and  far 
more  grateful  to  its  object,  than  all  the  servility  and 


LIFE    OF    JOHN  UUINCY    ADAMS.  255 

flattery  which   power   and   patronage    can    so    easily 
purchase. 

The  degree  of  confidence  reposed  in  Mr.  Adams 
was  manifested  by  his  being  placed  at  once  at  the 
head  of  the  Committee  on  Manufactures.  This  is 
always  a  responsible  station  ;  but  it  was  peculiarly  so  at 
that  time.  The  whole  Union  was  highly  agitated  on  the 
subject  of  the  tariff.  The  friends  of  domestic  manu 
factures  at  the  North,  insisted  upon  high  protective 
duties,  to  sustain  the  mechanical  and  manufacturing 
interests  of  the  country  against  a  ruinous  foreign  com 
petition.  The  Southern  States  resisted  these  measures 
as  destructive  to  their  interests,  and  remonstrated  with 
the  utmost  vehemence  against  them — in  which  they 
were  joined  by  a  large  portion  of  the  Democratic  party 
throughout  the  North.  Mr.  Adams,  with  enlarged 
views  of  national  unity  and  general  prosperity,  coun 
selled  moderation  to  both  parties.  As  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Manufactures,  he  strove  to  produce 
such  a  compromise  between  the  conflicting  interests,  as 
should  yield  each  section  a  fair  protection,  and  restore 
narmony  arid  fraternity  among  the  people. 

So  important  wrere  Mr.  Adams'  services  deemed  in 
the  Committee  on  Manufactures,  that,  on  proposing  to 
resign  his  post  as  Chairman,  to  fulfil  other  duties  \vhich 
claimed  his  attention,  he  was  besought  by  all  parties 
to  relinquish  his  purpose.  Mr.  Cambreleng,  of  N.  Y., 
a  political  opponent  of  Mr.  Adams,  said,  '*  It  was  not  a 
pleasant  duty  to  oppose  the  request  of  any  member  of 


256  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

the  House,  particularly  one  of  his  character.  Hb  did 
so  with  infinite  regret  in  the  present  instance  ;  and  lie 
certainly  would  not  take  such  a  course,  but  for  the 
important  consequences  that  might  result  from  assent 
ing  to  the  wishes  of  the  distinguished  gentleman  from 
Massachusetts.  He  had  reached  the  conclusion,  not 
without  infinite  pain  and  reluctance,  that  the  harmony, 
if  not  the  existence  of  our  Confederacy,  depends,  at  this 
crisis,  upon  the  arduous,  prompt,  and  patriotic  efforts 
of  a  few  eminent  men.  He  believed  that  much  might 
be  done  by  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts." 

In  the  same  tone  of  high  compliment,  Mr.  Barbour, 
of  Virginia,  said,  "  that  to  refuse  anything  that  could 
be  asked  by  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  gave 
him  pain,  great  pain.  He  said  it  was  with  unaffected 
sincerity  he  declared,  that  the  member  from  Massachu 
setts  (with  whom  he  was  associated  in  the  committee) 
had  not  only  fulfilled  all  his  duties  with  eminent  ability, 
in  the  committee,  but  in  a  spirit  and  temper  that  com 
manded  his  grateful  acknowledgments,  and  excited  his 

&  O  * 

highest  admiration.  Were  it  permitted  him  to  make  a 
personal  appeal  to  the  gentleman,  he  would  have  done 
so  in  advance  of  this  motion.  He  would  have  appealed 
to  him  as  a  patriot,  as  a  statesman,  as  a  philanthropist, 
and  above  all  as  an  American,  feeling  the  full  force  of 
all  his  duties,  and  touched  by  all  their  incentives  to 
lofty  action — to  forbear  this  request." 

These  complimentary  appeals  were  well  deserved 
by  Mr.  Adams,  and  show  most  emphatically  the  high 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  257 

position  he  occupied  in  the  esteem  and  confidence  of 
the  entire  House  of  Representatives,  on  becoming  a 
member  thereof.  But,  with  the  modesty  of  true  great 
ness,  it  was  painful  to  him  to  hear  these  encomiums 
uttered  in  his  own  presence.  He  arose,  and  begged 
the  House,  in  whatever  further  action  it  might  take 
upon  the  subject,  to  refrain  from  pursuing  this  strain. 
"  I  have  been  most  deeply  affected,"  he  said,  "  by  what 
has  already  passed.  I  have  felt,  in  the  strongest  man 
ner,  the  impropriety  of  my  being  in  the  House  while 
such  remarks  \vere  made  ;  being  very  conscious  that 
sentiments  of  an  opposite  kind  might  have  been  uttered 
with  far  more  propriety,  and  have  probably  been  with 
held  in  consequence  of  my  presence." 

Mr.  Adams  carried  with  him  into  Congress  all  his 
previous  habhs  of  industry  and  close  application  to 
business.  He  was  emphatically  a  hard  worker.  Few 
men  spent  more  hours  in  the  twenty-four  in  assiduous 
labor.  He  would  take  no  active  part  in  any  matter — 
would  engage  in  the  discussion  of  no  topic — and  would 
not  commit  himself  on  any  question — until  he  had 
sounded  it  to  its  nether  depths,  and  explored  all  its 
ramifications,  all  its  bearings  and  influences,  and  had 
thoroughly  become  master  of  the  subject.  To  gain 
this  information  no  toil  was  too  great,  no  application 
too  severe.  It  was  in  this  manner  that  he  was  enabled 
to  overwhelm  with  surprise  his  cotemporaries  in  Con 
gress,  by  the  profundity  of  his  knowledge.  No  subject 
could  be  started,  no  question  discussed,  on  which  he 


258  LIFE    OF    JOHN    ClUINCY    ADAMS. 

was  not  perfectly  at  home.  Without  hesitation  or  mis 
take,  he  could  pour  forth  a  stream  of  facts,  dates,  names, 
places,  accompanied  with  narrations,  anecdotes,  reflec 
tions  and  arguments,  until  the  matter  was  thoroughly 
sifted  and  laid  bare  in  all  its  parts  and  properties,  to  the 
understanding  of  the  most  casual  observer.  The  te 
nacity  and  correctness  of  his  memory  was  proverbial. 
Alas,  for  the  man  who  questioned  the  correctness  of  his 
statements,  his  facts,  or  dates.  Sure  discomfiture  await 
ed  him.  His  mind  was  a  perfect  calendar,  a  store-house, 
a  mine  of  knowledge,  in  relation  to  all  past  events  con 
nected  with  the  history  of  his  country  and  his  age. 

In  connection  with  his  other  exemplary  virtues,  Mr. 
Adams  was  prompt,  faithful,  unwearied,  in  the  dis 
charge  of  all  his  public  duties.  The  oldest  member  of 
the  House,  he  was  at  the  same  time  the  most  punctual 
• — the  first  at  his  post ;  the  last  to  retire  from  the  labors 
of  the  day.  His  practice  in  these  respects  could  well 
put  younger  members  to  the  blush.  While  many 
others  might  be  negligent  in  their  attendance,  saunter 
ing  in  idleness,  engaged  in  frivolous  amusements,  or 
even  in  dissipation,  he  was,  always  at  his  post.  No 
call  of  the  House  was  necessary — no  Sergeant-at-arms 
need  be  despatched — to  bring  him  within  the  Hall  of 
Representatives.  He  was  the  last  to  move  an  ad 
journment,  or  to  adopt  any  device  to  consume  time  or 
neglect  the  public  business  for  personal  convenience 
or  gratification.  In  every  respect  he  was  a  model 
legislator.  His  example  can  be  most  profitably  im- 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS.  259 

itated  by  those  who  would  arise  to  eminence  in  the 
councils  of  the  nation. 

"  My  seat  was,  for  two  years,  by  his  side,  and  it  would  have 
scarcely  more  surprised  me  to  miss  one  of  the  marble  columns 
of  die  Hall  from  its  pedestal  than  to  see  his  chair  empty.  *  *  * 
I  shall,  perhaps,  be  pardoned  for  introducing  here  a  slight  personal 
recollection,  which  serves,  in  some  degree,  to  illustrate  his  habits. 
The  sessions  of  the  last  two  days  of  (I  think)  the  twenty-third  Con 
gress,  were  prolonged,  the  one  for  nineteen,  and  the  other  for  seven 
teen  hours.  At  the  close  of  the  last  day's  session,  he  remained  in 
the  hall  of  the  House  the  last  seated  member  of  the  body.  One  aftei 
another,  the  members  had  gone  home ;  many  of  them  for  hours. 
The  hall — brilliantly  lighted  up,  and  gaily  attended,  as  was,  and 
perhaps  is  still,  the  custom  at  the  beginning  the  last  evening  of  a 
session — had  become  cold,  dark,  and  cheerless.  Of  the  members 
who  remained,  to  prevent  the  public  business  from  dying  for  want 
of  a  quorum,  most  but  himself  were  sinking  from  exhaustion,  although 
they  had  probably  taken  their  meals  at  the  usual  hours,  in  the 
course  of  the  day.  After  the  adjournment,  I  went  up  to  Mr. 
Adams'  seat,  to  join  company  with  him,  homeward  ;  and  as  I  knew 
he  came  to  the  House  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  it  was 
then  past  midnight,  I  expressed  a  hope  that  he  had  taken  some 
refreshment  in  the  course  of  the  day.  He  said  he  had  not  left  his 
seat;  but  holding  up  a  bit  of  hard  bread  in  his  fingers,  gave  me  tc 
understand  in  what  way  he  had  sustained  nature."* 

The  following  reminiscence  will  further  illustrate 
Mr.  Adams'  habits  of  industry  and  endurance  al  a 
liter  day,  as  well  as  show  his  views  in  regard  to  the 
famous  "  Expunging  Resolution." 

"  On  a  cold  and  dreary  morning,  in  the  month  of  January,  1837, 1 
went  to  the  capitol  of  the  United  States,  at  a  very  early  hour,  to 
write  out  a  very  long  speech  I  had  reported  for  an  honorable  gentle 
man,  who  wished  to  look  well  in  print ;  and  on  entering  th«  hall 

*  Edward  Everett. 


260  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

of  the  House  of  Representatives,  I  found  Mr.  Adams,  as  early 
as  the  hour  was,  in  his  seat,  busily  engaged  in  writing.  He 
and  myself  were  the  only  persons  present ;  even  the  industrious  Mr. 
Follansbee,  the  then  doorkeeper,  had  not  made  his  appearance,  with 
his  assistants  and  pages,  to  distribute  copies  of  the  journal  and  the 
usual  documents. 

"  As  I  made  it  a  rule  never  to  speak  to  Mr.  Adams,  unless  he 
spoke  first,  I  said  nothing ;  but  took  my  seat  in  the  reporters'  gallery 
and  went  to  work.  I  had  written  about  half  an  hour,  when  the 
venerable  statesman  appeared  at  my  desk,  and  was  pleased  to  say 
that  I  was  a  very  industrious  man.  I  thanked  him  for  the  compli 
ment,  and,  in  return,  remarked,  that,  as  industrious  as  I  might  be,  I 
could  not  keep  pace  with  him,  '  for,'  said  I,  '  I  found  you  here, 
sir,  when  I  came  in.' 

"  '  I  believe  I  was  a  little  early,  sir,'  he  replied  ;  '  but,  as  there  is 
to  be  a  closing  debate  to-day,  in  the  Senate,  on  the  expunging  reso 
lution,  which  I  feel  inclined  to  hear,  I  thought  I  would  come  down 
at  an  unusual  hour,  this  morning,  and  dispatch  a  little  writing  before 
the  Senate  was  called  to  order.' 

" '  Do  you  think  the  expunging  resolution  will  be  disposed  of  to 
day  ?'  I  inquired. 

" '  I  understand  it  will,'  he  rejoined.  '  I  hope  so,  at  least,'  he 
added,  '  for  I  think  the  country  has  already  become  weary  of  it, 
and  is  impatient  for  a  decision.  It  has  already  absorbed  more 
time  than  should  have  been  devoted  to  it.' 

" '  It  will  pass,  I  suppose,  sir  ?' 

"'  Oh,  certainly  ;  and  by  a  very  decided  majority.  The  adminis 
tration  is  too  strong  for  the  opposition ;  and  the  affair  will  call  up  a 
Btrict  party  vote.  Of  course  Mr.  Clay's  resolution  will  be  expunged, 
and  the  journal  will  not  be  violated.' 

"  I  was  somewhat  surprised  at  the  remark,  and,  in  return,  ob 
served  that  I  had  always  understood  that  it  was  on  the  constitutional 
ground,  that  the  expunging  process  could  not  be  effected  without 
destroying  the  journal,  that  the  opponents  of  the  measure  had  based 
themselves. 

" '  It  is  true,  sir,  that  that  has  been  the  grave  and  somewhat  tenable 
argument  in  the  Senate  ;  but  it  is  a  fallacy,  after  all,'  he  replied.  '  The 
constitution,  sir,  it  is  true,  renders  it  imperative  on  both  Houses  to 
keep  a  correct  journal  of  its  proceedings  ;  and  all  this  can  be  done, 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  261 

and  any  portion  of  it  may  be  expunged,  without  violating  that  instru 
ment.  For  instance,  sir,  a  resolution  is  adopted  to-day,  is  entered 
on  the  journal,  and  to-morro\v  is  expunged — and  still  the  journal 
remains  correct,  and  the  constitution  is  not  violated.  For  the  act 
by  which  the  expungation  is  effected  is  recorded  on  the  journal ;  the 
expunged  resolution  becomes  a  matter  of  record,  and  thus  every 
thing  stands  fair  and  correct.  The  constitution  is  a  sacred  docu 
ment,  and  should  not  be  violated ;  but  how  often  is  it  strictly 
adhered  to,  to  the  very  letter  ?  There  are,  sir,  some  men  in  the  world 
who  ma  ke  great  parade  about  their  devotion  to  the  "  dear  constitu 
tion" — men,  sir,  who  make  its  sacred  character  a  hobby,  and  who, 
nevertheless,  are  perfectly  reckless  of  its  violation,  if  the  ends  of 
party  are  to  be  accomplished  by  its  abjuration.' 

"  There  was  a  degree  of  sarcasm  blended  with  his  enunciation 
of  the  '  dear  constitution,'  which  induced  me  to  think  it  possible 
that  he  intended  some  personal  allusion  when  he  repeated  the  words. 
In  this  I  might,  and  might  not,  have  erred. 

"'In  what  way.  Mr.  Adams,'  I  inquired,  'is  this  expunging  pro 
cess  to  be  accomplished  ?  Is  the  objectionable  resolution  to  be  erased 
from  the  journal  with  a  pen  ;  or  is  the  leaf  that  contains  it  to  be 
cut  out  ?' 

'"Neither  process  is  to  be  resorted  to,  as  I  understand  it,'  he 
replied.  '  The  resolution  will  remain  in  the  book;  black  lines  will 
be  drawn  around  it,  and  across  it  from  right  angles,  and  the  word  "  ex 
punged,"  will  be  written  on  the  face  of  it.  It  will,  to  all  intents  and 
purposes,  still  stand  on  the  face  of  the  book.  There  are  precedents 
in  parliamentary  journalism  for  the  guidance  of  the  Senate,  and  I 
suppose  they  will  be  adopted.' 

"  He  then  proceeded  to  give  me  a  very  graphic  and  interesting 
description  of  an  expunging  process  that  took  place  in  the  British 
Parliament  in  the  reign  of  James  the  First,  of  England,  which  I 
would  repeat,  if  time  and  space  allowed.  He  detained  me  a  long 
time,  in  narrating  precedents,  and  commenting  on  them ;  and  then 
abruptly  bringing  the  subject  to  a  close,  left  me  to  pursue  my  labors. 

"  Soon  after  the  House  had  been  called  to  order,  immediately  after 
the  chaplain  had  said  his  prayers — for  that  was  a  ceremonial  that 
Mr.  Adams  always  observed — I  saw  him  leave  his  seat,  and  proceed, 
as  I  supposed,  to  the  Senate  chamber.  After  an  hour  or  two  had 
elapsed,  I  went  into  the  Senate,  and  there  found  him,  standing  out- 
17 


262  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

side  of  the  bar,  listening,  with  all  imaginable  attention,  to  Mr.  Felix 
Grundy,  who  was  delivering  himself  of  some  brief  remarks  he  had 
to  utter  on  the  subject. 

"  At  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening,  as  I  fumbled  my  way  through 
the  badly-lighted  rotunda,  having  just  escaped  from  a  caucus  that 
had  been  holding  'a  secret  session,'  in  the  room  of  the  committee 
on  public  lands,  I  descried  a  light  issuing  from  the  vestibule  of  the 
Senate  chamber,  which  apprized  me  that  '  the  most  digniiied  body 
on  earth'  was  still  in  session.  Impelled  by  a  natural  curiosity,  :.. 
proceeded  towards  the  council  chamber  of  the  right  reverend  signers ; 
and,  just  as  I  reached  the  door,  Mr.  Adams  stepped  out.  I  inquired 
if  the  resolution  had  been  disposed  of. 

"  '  No,  sir,'  he  replied  ;  '  nor  is  it  probable  that  it  will  be  to-night 
A  Senator  from  North  Carolina  is  yet  on  the  floor ;  and,  as  it  does  no; 
appear  likely  that  he  will  yield  it  very  soon,  and  as  I  am  somewhat 
faint  and  weary,  I  think  I  shall  go  home.' 

"  The  night  was  very  stormy.  Snow  was  falling  fast ;  the  moon, 
which  had 


not  yet  fill'd  her  horns,' 


had  receded  beneath  the  western  horizon  ;  and,  as  the  capital  \va^ 
but  sadly  lighted,  I  offered  my  services  to  the  venerable  sage  of 
Quincy,  and  at  the  same  time  asked  leave  to  conduct  him  to  hi.-; 
dwelling. 

"  '  Sir,'  said  he,  '  I  am  indebted  to  you  for  your  proffered  kindness  ; 
but  I  need  not  the  service  of  any  one.  lam  somewhat  advanced  in 
life,  but  not  yet,  by  the  blessing  of  God,  infirm  ;  or  what  Doctor 
Johnson  would  call  "  superfluous  ;"  and  you  may  recollect  what 
old  Adam  says  in  the  play  of  "  As  you  like  it :" 

"  For  in  my  youth  I  never  did  apply 
Hot  and  rebellious  liquors  in  my  blood."  ' 

*'  For  the  first  time  in  my  life,  I  found  Mr.  Adams  a  little  inclined 
to  be  facetious ;  and  I  was  glad  of  it — for  it  was  to  me  a  kind  of 
assurance  that  my  presence  was  not  absolutely  unwelcome. 

"  The  salutation  being  over,  and  Mr.  Adams  having  consented 
that  I  should  see  him  down  the  steps  of  the  capitol,  I  proceeded  on 
ward,  and  soon  found  myself,  with  my  revered  convoy,  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  western  gate  of  the  capitol  grounds.  '  The  wind 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QTJINCY    ADAMS.  263 

whistled  a  dismal  tale,'  as  we  trudged  onward,  looking  in  vain  for 
a  cab ;  and  the  snow  and  sleet,  which,  early  in  the  day,  had  mantled 
the  earth,  was  now  some  twelve  inches  deep  on  Pennsylvania 
avenue.  I  insisted  on  going  onward  ;  but  Mr.  Adams  objected,  and 
bidding  me  good  night  somewhat  unceremoniously,  told  me,  almost 
in  as  many  words,  that  my  farther  attendance  was  unwelcome. 

"  As  I  left  him,  he  drew  his  '  Boston  wrapper'  still  closer  around 
him,  hitched  up  his  mittens,  and  with  elastic  step  breasted  a  wintry 
storm  that  might  have  repelled  even  the  more  elastic  movement 
of  juvenility,  and  wended  up  the  avenue.  Although  I  cannot  irrev 
erently  say  that  he 

'  Whistled  as  he  went,  for  want  of  thought,' 

I  fancy  that  his  mind  was  so  deeply  imbued  with  the  contemplation 
of  affairs  of  state,  and  especially  in  contemplating  the  expunging 
resolution,  that  he  arrived  at  his  home  long  before  he  was  aware 
that  he  had  threaded  the  distance  between  the  capitol  and  the 
Presidential  square.'1* 

Although  elected  to  the  House  of  Representatives  as 
a  Whig,  and  usually  acting  with  that  party,  yet  Mr. 
Adams  would  never  acknowledge  that  fealty  to  party 
could  justify  a  departure  from  the  conscientious  dis 
charge  of  duty.  He  went  with  his  party  as  far  as  he 
believed  his  party  was  right  and  its  proceedings  calcu 
lated  to  promote  the  welfare  of  the  country.  But  no 
party  claims,  no  smiles  nor  frowns,  could  induce  him 
to  sanction  any  measure  which  he  believed  prejudicial 
to  the  interest  of  the  people.  Hence,  during  his  con 
gressional  career,  the  Whigs  occasionally  found  him  a 
decided  opposer  of  their  policy  and  measures,  on  ques 
tions  where  he  deemed  they  had  mistaken  the  true 

*  Reminiscences  of  the  late  John  Quincy  Adams,  by  an  Old  Colony 
.— New  York  Atlas. 


264  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

course.     In  this  he  was  but  true  to  his  principles,  char 
acter,  and  whole  past  history.     It  was  not  that  he  loved 
his  political  party  or  friends  less,  but  that  he  loved  what 
he  viewed  as  conducive  to  the  welfare  of  the  nation, 
more. 

The  same  principle  of  action  governed  him  in  refer 
ence  to  his  political  opponents.  In  general  he  threw 
his  influence  against  the  administration  of  Gen.  Jack 
son,  under  a  sincere  conviction  that  its  policy  was  in 
jurious  to  the  welfare  of  our  common  country.  But  to 
every  measure  which  he  could  sanction,  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  yield  the  support  of  all  his  energies. 

An  instance  of  this  description  occurred  in  relation 
to  the  treaty  of  indemnity  with  France.  For  nearly 
forty  years,  negotiations  had  been  pending  in  vain  with 
the  French  Government,  to  procure  an  indemnity  for 
spoliations  of  American  commerce,  during  the  French 
Revolution  and  Republic.  On  the  4th  of  July,  1831, 
Mr.  Rives,  the  American  Minister  to  France,  succeeded 
in  concluding  a  treaty  with  that  country,  securing  to 
American  merchants  an  indemnity  of  five  millions  of 
dollars.  But  although  the  treaty  was  duly  ratified  by 
both  Governments,  the  French  Chamber  of  Deputies 
obstinately  refused,  for  several  years,  to  vote  an  appro 
priation  of  money  to  fulfil  its  stipulations.  In  1835, 
Gen.  Jackson  determined  on  strong  measures  to  bring 
the  French  Government  to  the  discharge  of  its  obliga 
tions.  He  accordingly  sent  a  message  to  Congress, 
recommending,  in  the  event  of  further  delay  on  the 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    UUINCY    ADAMS.  265 

part  of  France,  that  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  be 
issued  against  the  commerce  of  France,  and  at  the 
same  time  instructed  Mr.  Edward  Livingston,  our 
Minister  at  that  day  at  the  Court  of  St.  Cloud,  to  de 
mand  his  passports,  and  retire  to  London.  In  all  these 
steps,  which  resulted  in  bringing  France  to  a  speedy 
fulfilment  of  the  treaty,  Mr.  Adams  yielded  his  unre 
served  support  to  the  administration.  He  believed 
Gen.  Jackson,  in  resorting  to  compulsory  measures, 
was  pursuing  a  course  called  for  alike  by  the  honor 
and  the  interest  of  the  country,  and  he  did  not  hesitate 
to  give  him  a  cordial  support,  notwithstanding  he  was 
a  political  opponent.  In  a  speech  made  by  Mr.  Adams 
on  the  subject,  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  he 
said  : — 

"  Sir,  if  we  do  not  unite  with  the  President  of  the  United  States 
in  an  effort  to  compel  the  French  Chamber  of  Deputies  to  carry  out 
the  provisions  of  this  treaty,  we  shall  become  the  scorn,  the  con 
tempt,  the  derision  and  the  reproach  of  all  mankind  !  Sir,  this 
treaty  has  been  ratified  on  both  sides  of  the  ocean  ;  it  has  received 
the  sign  manual  of  the  sovereign  of  France,  through  His  Imperial 
Majesty's  principal  Minister  of  State  ;  it  has  been  ratified  by  the 
Senate  of  this  Republic ;  it  has  been  sanctioned  by  Almighty  God  ; 
and  still  we  are  told,  in  a  voice  potential,  in  the  other  wing  of  this 
capitol,  that  the  arrogance  of  France, — nay,  sir,  not  of  France,  but 
of  her  Chamber  of  Deputies  — the  insolence  of  the  French  Cham 
bers,  must  be  submitted  to,  and  we  must  come  down  to  the  low&r 
degradation  of  re-opening  negotiations  to  attain  that  which  has  al 
ready  been  acknowledged  to  be  our  due !  Sir,  is  this  a  specimen 
of  your  boasted  chivalry  ?  Is  this  an  evidence  of  the  existence  of  that 
heroic  valor  which  has  so  often  led  our  arms  on  to  glory  and  im 
mortality  ?  Re-open  negotiation,  sir,  with  France  ?  Do  it,  and  soon 
you  will  find  your  flag  insulted,  dishonored,  and  trodden  in  the  dust 


266  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

by  the  pigmy  States  of  Asia  and  Africa — by  the  very  banditti  of  tie 
earth.  Sir,  the  only  negotiations,  says  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  that  he  would  encounter,  should  be  at  the  cannon's  mouth!" 


The  effect  produced  by  this  speech  was  tremendous 
on  all  sides  ;  and,  for  a  while,  the  House  was  lost  in  tli3 
excitement  it  afforded.  The  venerable  orator  took  his 
seat ;  and,  as  he  sank  into  it,  the  very  walls  shook  witli 
the  thundering  applause  he  had  awakened. 

On  the  2Sth  of  June,  1836,  the  venerable  ex-Presi 
dent  JAMES  MADISON,  departed  life  at  Montpelier,  Va., 
in  the  eighty-sixth  year  of  his  age.  He  had  filled  u 
prominent  place  in  the  history  of  our  Government, 
from  its  first  organization.  As  a  statesman,  he  was 
unsurpassed  in  critical  acumen,  in  profundity  of  knowl 
edge,  in  an  understanding  of  constitutional  Government, 
and  its  adaptation  to  the  rights  and  interests  of  the 
people.  His  writings  are  an  invaluable  legacy  to  his 
countrymen,  and  will  be  studied  and  quoted  for  ages 
to  come.  "  His  public  acts  were  a  noble  commentary 
upon  his  political  principles — his  private  life  an  illus 
tration  of  the  purest  virtues  of  the  heart." 

When  a  message  from  the  President,  announcing 
the  death  of  Mr.  Madison,  was  received  in  the  House 
of  Representatives,  Mr.  Adams  arose  and  said  : — 

"  By  the  general  sense  of  the  House,  it  is  with  perfect  propriety 
that  the  delegation  from  the  commonwealth  of  Virginia  have  taken 
the  lead  in  the  melancholy  duty  of  proposing  the  measures  suitable 
to  be  adopted  as  testimonials  of  the  vereration  due,  from  the  Legis- 


LIFE    OF    JOHN     UUINCY    ADAMS. 

lature  ol  the  Union,  to  the  memory  of  the  departed  patriot  and  sage, 
the  native  of  their  soil,  and  the  citizen  of  their  community. 

"  It  is  not  without  some  hesitation,  and  some  diffidence,  that  1 
have  risen  to  offer  in  my  own  behalf,  and  in  that  of  my  colleagues 
upon  this  floor,  and  of  our  common  constituents,  to  join  our  voice, 
at  once  of  mourning  and  exultation,  at  the  event  announced  to  both 
Houses  of  Congress,  by  the  message  from  the  President  of  the 
United  States — of  mourning  at  the  bereavement  which  has  befallen 
our  common  country,  by  the  decease  of  one  of  her  most  illustrious 
sons — of  exultation  at  the  spectacle  afforded  to  the  observation  of 
the  civilized  world,  and  for  the  emulation  of  after  times,  by  the  close 
of  a  life  of  usefulness  and  of  glory,  after  forty  years  of  service  in 
trusts  of  the  highest  dignity  and  splendor  that  a  confiding  country 
could  bestow,  succeeded  by  twenty  years  of  retirement  and  private 
life,  not  inferior,  in  the  estimation  of  the  virtuous  and  the  wise,  to 
the  honors  of  the  highest  station  that  ambition  can  ever  attain. 

"  Of  the  public  life  of  James  Madison  what  could  I  say  that  is 
not  deeply  impressed  upon  the  memory  and  upon  the  heart  of  every 
one  within  the  sound  of  my  voice  ?  Of  his  private  life,  what  but 
must  meet  an  echoing  shout  of  applause  from  every  voice  within 
this  hail  ?  Is  it  not  in  a  pre-eminent  degree  by  emanation  from  his 
mind,  that  we  are  assembled  here  as  the  representatives  of  the 
people  and  the  States  of  this  Union  ?  Is  it  not  transcendently  by 
his  exertions  that  we  all  address  each  other  here  by  the  endearing 
appellation  of  countrymen  and  fellow-citizens  ?  Of  that  band  of 
benefactors  of  the  human  race,  the  founders  of  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  James  Madison  is  the  last  who  has  gone  to  his 
reward.  Their  glorious  work  has  survived  them  all.  They  have 
transmitted  the  precious  bond  of  union  to  us,  now  entirely  a  suc 
ceeding  generation  to  them.  May  it  never  cease  to  be  a  voice  of 
admonition  to  us,  of  our  duty  to  transmit  the  inheritance  unimpaired 
to  our  children  of  the  rising  age. 

"  Of  the  personal  relations  of  this  great  man,  which  gave  rise  to 
the  long  career  of  public  service  in  which  twenty  years  of  my  own 
life  has  been  engaged,  it  becomes  me  not  to  speak.  The  fulness 
of  the  heart  must  be  silent,  even  to  the  suppression  of  the  overflow 
ings  of  gratitude  and  affection." 

To   the   year  1835,   the   career  of  Mr.  Adams  in 


208  LIFJE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

Congress  had  been  marked  by  no  signal  display  of 
characteristics  peculiar  to  himself,  other  than  such  as 
the  world  had  long  been  familiar  with  in  his  previous 
history.  He  had  succeeded  in  maintaining  his  reputa 
tion  for  patriotism,  devotion  to  principle,  political 
sagacity  and  wisdom,  and  his  fame  as  a  public  debater 
and  eloquent  speaker.  But  no  new  development  of 
qualities  unrecognized  before  had  been  made.  From 
that  year  forward,  however,  he  placed  himself  ;n  a  new 
'attitude  before  the  country,  and  entered  upon  a  career 
which  eclipsed  all  his  former  services,  and  added  a 
Uustre  to  his  fame  which  will  glow  in  unrivalled  splen 
dor  as  long  as  human  freedom  is  prized  on  earth.  It 
can  hardly  be  necessary  to  state  that  allusion  is  here 
made  to  his  advocacy  of  the  Right  of  Petition,  and  his 
determined  hostility  to  slavery.  At  an  age  when  most 
men  would  leave  the  stormy  field  of  public  life,  and 
retire  to  the  quiet  seclusion  of  domestic  comfort,  these 
great  topics  inspirited  Mr.  Adams  with  a  renewed 
vigor.  With  all  the  ardor  and  zeal  of  youth,  he  placed 
himself  in  the  front  rank  of  the  battle  which  ensued, 
plunged  into  the  very  midst  of  the  melee,  and,  with  a 
dauntless  courage,  that  won  the  plaudits  of  the  world, 
held  aloft  the  banner  of  freedom  in  the  Halls  of  Con 
gress,  when  other  hearts  quailed  and  fell  back  !  He 
led  "  the  forlorn  hope"  to  the  assault  of  the  bulwarks 
of  slavery,  when  the  most  sanguine  believed  his 
almost  superhuman  labors  would  be  all  in  vain.  In 
these  contests  a  spirit  blazed  out'  from  his  noble  soul 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCy    ADAMS.  269 

which  electrified  the  nation  with  admiration.  In  his 
intrepid  bearing  amid  these  scenes  he  fully  personified 
the  couplet  quoted  in  one  of  his  orations : — 

"  Thy  spirit,  Independence,  let  me  share, 

Lord  of  the  lion  heart  and  eagle  eye  ! 
Thy  steps  I  follow,  with  my  bosom  bare, 

Nor  heed  the  storm  that  howls  along  the  sky." 

The  first  act  in  the  career  of  Mr.  Adams  as  a  Mem 
ber  of  Congress,  was  in  relation  to  slavery.  On  the 
12th  of  December,  1831,  it  being  the  second  week  of 
the  first  session  of  the  twenty-second  Congress,  he 
presented  fifteen  petitions,  all  numerously  signed,  from 
sundry  inhabitants  of  Pennsylvania,  praying  for  the 
abolition  of  slavery  and  the  slave  trade  in  the  District 
of  Columbia.  In  presenting  these  petitions,  Mr.  Adams 
remarked,  that  although  the  petitioners  were  not  of  his 
immediate  constituents,  yet  he  did  not  deem  himself  at 
liberty  to  decline  presenting  their  petitions,  the  trans 
mission  of  which  to  him  manifested  a  confidence  in 
him  for  which  he  was  bound  to  be  grateful.  From  a 
letter  which  had  accompanied  the  petitions,  he  inferred 
that  they  came  from  members  of  the  Society  of  Friends 
or  Quakers  ;  a  body  of  men,  he  declared,  than  whom 
there  was  no  more  respectable  and  worthy  class  of  citi 
zens — none  who  more  strictly  made  their  lives  a  com 
mentary  on  their  professions ;  a  body  of  men  comprising, 
in  his  firm  opinion,  as  much  of  human  virtue,  and  as 
little  of  human  infirmity,  as  any  other  equal  number  of 
men,  of  any  denomination,  upon  the  face  of  the  globe. 


270  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

The  petitions  for  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade, 
in  the  District  of  Columbia,  Mr.  Adams  considered 
relating  to  a  proper  subject  for  the  legislation  of  Con 
gress.  But  he  did  not  give  his  countenance  to  thoso 
which  prayed  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  that  Districi. 
Not  that  he  would  approbate  the  system  of  slavery ; 
for  he  was,  and  in  fact  had  been  through  life,  its  mo^t 
determined  foe.  But  he  believed  the  time  had  not 
then  arrived  for  the  discussion  of  that  subject  in  Con 
gress.  It  was  his  settled  conviction  that  a  premature 
agitation  of  slavery  in  the  national  councils  would 
greatly  retard,  rather  than  facilitate,  the  abolition  o  * 
that  giant  evil — "as  the  most  salutary  medicines,"  Ii3 
declared  in  illustration,  "unduly  administered,  weretli3 
most  deadly  of  poisons." 

The  position  taken  by  Mr.  Adams,  in  presenting 
these  petitions,  was  evidently  misunderstood  by  many, 
and  especially  by  Abolitionists.  They  construed  it 
into  a  disposition  on  his  part  to  sanction,  or  at  least  to 
succumb  unresistingly,  to  the  inhumanity  and  enormity 
of  the  slave  institution.  In  this  conclusion  they  sig 
nally  erred.  Mr.  Adams,  by  birth,  education,  all  the 
associations  of  his  life,  and  the  fixed  principles  of  his 
moral  and  political  character,  was  an  opposer  of  slavery 
in  every  form.  No  man  felt  more  keenly  the  wretched 
•absurdity  of  professing  to  base  our  (Government  on  the 
"self-evident  truth,  that  all  men  are  created  equal,  and 
endowed  by  their  Creator  with  an  unalienable  right  to 
life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness" — of  pro- 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  271 

claiming  our  Union  the  abode  of  liberty,  the  "  home 
of  the  free,"  the  asylum  of  the  oppressed — while  hold 
ing  in  our  midst  millions  of  fellow-beings  manacled  in 
hopeless  bondage !  No  man  was  more  anxious  to 
correct  this  disgraceful  misnomer,  and  wipe  away  its 
dark  stain  from  our  national  escutcheon  at  the  earliest 
practicable  moment.  But  he  was  a  statesman  of  pro 
found  knowledge  and  far-reaching  sagacity.  He 
possessed  the  rare  quality  of  being  able  to  "  bide  his 
time"  in  all  enterprizes.  Great  as  he  felt  the  enormity 
of  American  slavery  to  be,  he  wrould  not,  in  seeking  to 
remove  it,  select  a  time  so,  unseasonable,  and  adopt 
measures  so  un\vise,  as  would  result,  Samson-like,  in 
removing  the  pillars  of  our  great  political  fabric,  and 
crushing  the  glorious  Union,  formed  by  the  wisdom 
and  cemented  by  the  blo.od  of  our  Revolutionary 
Fathers,  into  a  mass  of  ruins. 

Believing  there  was  a  time  to  withhold  and  a  time 
to  strike,  he  would  patiently  wait  until  the  sentiment 
of  the  American  people  became  sufficiently  ripened, 
under  the  increasing  light  and  liberality  of  the  age5  to 
permit  slavery  to  be  lawfully  and  peaceably  removed, 
while  the  Union  should  remain  unweakened  and  un 
touched — the  pride  of  our  hearts,  the  admiration  of  the 
world.  Hence,  in  his  early  career,  he  saw  no  pro 
pitious  moment  for  such  a  work.  While  discharging 
the  duties  of  U.  S.  Senator,  Secretary  of  State,  and 
President,  an  attempt  in  that  direction  would  have 
resulted  in  an  aggravation  of  the  evils  of  slavery,  and 


272  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

a  strengthening  of  the  institution.  Nor  on  first  enter 
ing  Congress  did  he  conceive  the  time  to  be  fully  come, 
to  engage  in  that  agitation  of  the  momentous  subject, 
which,  when  once  commenced  in  earnest,  would  neve/ 
cease  until  either  slavery  would  be  abolished,  as  far  as 
Congress  possessed  constitutional  power,  or  the  Union 
become  rent  in  twain  !  But  he  evidently  saw  tha; 
time  was  at  hand — even  at  the  door — and  he  preparec. 
himself  for  the  contest. 


In  1835,  the  people  of  Texas  took  up  arms  in  oper. 
rebellion  against  the  Government  of  Mexico.  Tha', 
Province  had  been  settled  chiefly  by  emigrants  fron 
the  Southern  and  Southwestern  States.  Many  of 
them  had  taken  their  slaves  with  them.  But  the 
Mexican  Government,  to  their  enduring  honor  be  it 
said,  abolished  slavery  throughout  that  Republic.  The 
ostensible  object  of  the  Texian  insurrection  was  to 
resist  certain  schemes  of  usurpation  alleged  against 
Santa  Anna,  at  that  time  President  of  Mexico.  At  the 
present  day,  however,  after  having  witnessed  the  en 
tire  progress  and  consummation  of  the  scheme,  it  is 
abundantly  evident,  that  from  the  beginning  there  was 
a  deliberate  and  well-digested  plan  to  re-establish 
slavery  in  Texas — annex  that  province  to  the  United 
States — and  thus  immensely  increase  the  slave  terri 
tory  and  influence  in  the  Union. 

At  the  first  blast  of  the  Texian  bugle,  thousands  of 
volunteers  from  the  slaveholding  States  rushed  to  the 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QU1NCY    ADAMS.  273 

standard  of  "  the  lone  star."  Agents  were  sent  to  the 
United  States  to  create  an  interest  in  behalf  of  Texas 
— the  most  inflammatory  appeals  were  made  to  the  peo 
ple  of  the  Union — and  armed  bodies  of  American  citi 
zens  were  openly  formed  in  the  South,  and  transported 
without  concealment  to  the  seat  of  the  insurrection. 
President  Jackson  reminded  the  inhabitants  of  the 
United  States  of  their  obligations  to  observe  neutrality  in 
the  contest  between  Mexico  and  its  rebellious  province. 
At  the  same  time,  Gen.  Gaines,  with  a  body  of  U.  S. 
troops,  was  ordered  to  take  up  a  position  within  the 
borders  of  Texas.  The  avowed  object  of  this  move 
ment  was  to  protect  the  people  of  the  Southwestern 
frontiers  from  the  incursions  of  Indian  tribes  in  the 
employment  of  Mexico.  But  the  presence  of  such  a 
body  of  troops  could  not  but  exert  an  influence  favor 
able  to  the  measures  and  objects  of  Texas  ;  and  be 
sides,  it  afterwards  appeared  the  Indians  had  no  dispo 
sition  to  take  sides  with  Mexico,  or  to  make  any 
depredations  on  the  territories  of  the  United  States. 
A  call  was  made  on  Congress  for  an  appropriation  of 
a  million  of  dollars  to  carry  on  these  military  opera 
tions,  the  entire  tendency  of  which  was  to  encourage 
Texas  in  its  attempt  to  throw  off  the  Mexican  alle 
giance  and  re-establish  slavery. 

The  source  from  whence  the  authorities  of  Texas 
were  confidently  looking  for  assistance,  and  the  ulterior 
object  at  which  they  were  aiming  in  their  insurrection 
— viz. :  annexation  to  the  United  States,  and  thus  add- 


274  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QU1NCY    ADAMS. 

ing  territory  and  strength  to  the  institution  of  slavery 
— are  clearly  revealed  in  the  following  extracts  from  a 
letter  addressed  by  Gen.  Houston,  commander  of  the 
Texian  forces,  to  Gen.  Dunlap,  of  Nashville,  Tenn  : — • 

"  Near  Saline,  July,  2,  1836. 
"  To  GEN.  DUNLAP  : 

SIR: — Your  favor  of  the  1st  of  June  reached  me  last  evening. 
I  regret  so  much  delay  will  necessarily  result  before  you  can  reacli 
us.  We  will  need  your  aid,  and  that  speedily.  The  enemy,  in  large 
numbers,  are  reported  to  be  in  Texas.  *****  The  army  with  which 
they  first  entered  Texas  is  broken  up  and  dispersed  by  desertion 
and  other  causes.  If  they  get  another  army  of  the  extent  proposed-, 
it  must  be  composed  of  new  recruits,  and  men  pressed  into  service. 
They  will  not  possess  the  mechanical  efficiency  of  discipline  which 
gives  the  Mexican  troops  the  only  advantage  they  have.  They  will 
easily  be  routed  by  a  very  inferior  force.  Far  a  poriion  of  that 
force,  we  shall  be  obliged  to  look  to  the  United  States  !  It  cannot 
reach  us  too  soon.  There  is  but  one  feeling  in  Texas,  in  my  opin 
ion,  and  that  is,  to  establish  the  independence  of  Texas,  and  TO  BE 
ATTACHED  TO  THE  UNITED  STATES  !  *****  March  as  speedily  as 
possible,  with  all  the  aid  you  can  bring,  and  I  doubt  not  but  you 
will  be  gratified  with  your  reception  and  situation." 

The  whole  plan  succeeded  beyond  the  anticipation 
of  its  most  sanguine  projectors.  Aided  by  men  and 
means  from  the  United  States,  Texas  established  its 
independence — organized  a  government — incorporated 
slavery  into  its  constitution  so  thoroughly  as  to  guard 
against  the  remotest  attempt  ever  to  remove  it — and 
by  a  process  unsurpassed  in  the  annals  of  political 
intrigue,  in  due  time  became  annexed  to  the  North 
American  Union.  In  this  accession  of  a  territory 
from  which  several  large  States  will  eventually  be 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  275 

carved  out,  the  slave  power  of  the  United  States  ob 
tained  a  signal  advantage,  of  which  it  will  not  be 
backward  to  avail  itself  in  the  time  of  its  need.  A 
faithful  history  of  this  entire  movement  is  yet  to  be 
written. 

Mr.  Adams,  with  his  well-known  and  long-tried 
sagacity,  saw  at  a  glance  the  whole  design  of  the 
originator^  of  the  Texas  insurrection.  While  most 
people  were  averse  to  the  belief  that  a  project  was 
seriously  on  foot  to  sever  a  large  and  free  province 
from  the  Mexican  Republic  and  annex  it  to  the  Union 
as  slave  territory,  he  read  the  design  in  legible  char 
acters  from  the  beginning.  In  a  speech  made  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  in  May,  1836,  in  reference 
to  the  call  for  a  million  of  dollars,  for  purposes  already 
stated,  Mr.  Adams  unriddled  the  Texian  project  with 
the  vision  of  a  prophet. 

"  Have  we  not  seen  American  citizens,"  said  Mr.  Adams,  "  going 
from  all  parts  of  the  country  to  carry  on  the  war  of  this  province 
against  the  united  Government  of  Mexico  ?  Who  were  those  who 
fell  at  Alamo  ?  Who  are  now  fighting  under  the  command  of  the 
hero*  of  Texian  fame  ?  And  have  we  not  been  called  upon  in  this 
House,  to  recognize  Texian  independence  ?  It  seems  that  Gen. 
Gaines  considers  this  a  war  in  defence  of  '  our  Texians.' " 

Mr.  Cambreleng  explained  that  the  word  "  neigh 
bors,"  had  been  accidentally  omitted  in  Gen.  Gainesr 
dispatch. 

Mr.  Adams  continued : — "  Was  this  an  intention  to  conquer  Texas, 
*  General  Houston. 


276  LIFE    OF    JOHN    UUINCY    ADAMS. 

to  re-establish  that  slavery  which  had  been  abolished  by  the  Unite] 
Mexican  States?  If  that  was  the  case,  and  we  were  to  be  draw  i 
into  an  acknowledgment  of  their  independence,  and  then,  by  that 
preliminary  act,  by  that  acknowledgment,  if  we  were  upon  their 
application  to  admit  Texas  to  become  a  part  of  the  United  State;-, 
then  the  House  ought  to  be  informed  of  it.  I  shall  be  for  no  sucii 
war,  nor  for  making  any  such  addition  to  our  territory.  ******[ 
hope  Congress  will  take  care  to  go  into  no  war  for  the  re-establish 
ment  of  slavery  where  it  has  been  abolished — that  they  will  go  into 
no  war  in  behalf  of  '  our  Texians,'  or  '  our  Texian  neighbors' — 
and  that  they  will  go  into  no  war  with  a  foreign  power,  without 
other  cause  than  the  acquisition  of  territory." 

In  a  speech  delivered  a  few  days  subsequent  to  the 
above,  Mr.  Adams  used  the  following  language  : — 

"  It  is  said  that  one  of  the  earliest  acts  of  this  administration  was 
a  proposal,  made  at  a  time  when  there  was  already  much  ill-humo* 
in  Mexico  against  the  United  States,  that  she  should  cede  to  the 
United  States  a  very  large  portion  of  her  territory — large  enough 
to  constitute  nine  States  equal  in  extent  to  Kentucky.  It  must  be 
confessed  that  a  device  better  calculated  to  produce  jealousy,  sus 
picion,  ill-will  and  hatred,  could  not  have  been  contrived.  It  is 
further  affirmed  that  this  overture,  offensive  in  itself,  was  made 
precisely  at  the  time  when  a  swarm  of  colonists  from  these  United 
States,  were  covering  the  Mexican  border  with  land-jobbing,  and 
with  slaves,  introduced  in  defiance  of  Mexican  laws,  by  which 
slavery  had  been  abolished  throughout  the  Republic.  The  war 
now  raging  in  Texas  is  a  Mexican  civil  war,  and  a  war  for  the  re- 
establishment  of  slavery  where  it  was  abolished.  It  is  not  a  servile 
war,  but  a  war  between  slavery  and  emancipation,  and  every  possi 
ble  effort  has  been  made  to  drive  us  into  the  war  on  the  side  of 
elavery." 

"When,  in  the  year  1836,  resolutions  to  recognize  the  independ 
ence  of  Texas  came  up  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  Mr 
Adams  opposed  them  with  great  energy  and  eloquence,  and  pro 
voked  a  most  ardent  and  violent  debate.  Mr.  Waddy  Thompson 
then  a  Representative  in  Congress,  and  subsequently  Minister  to 
Mexico,  advocated  the  passage  of  the  resolutions ;  and,  in  doing  so, 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS.  277 

said  that  Mr.  Adams,  in  negotiating  the  Florida  treaty,  actually  ceded 
to  Mexico  the  whole  of  Texas,  a  province  that  was  part  and  parcel 
of  this  Union. 

"  Mr.  Adams  immediately  arrested  the  speech  of  Mr.  Thompson, 
and  denied  the  impeachment.  Mr.  Thompson  rejoined,  and,  to 
strengthen  his  position,  quoted  some  remarks  Gen.  Jackson  had 
made  on  the  subject,  confirmatory  of  the  charge  of  having  sacrificed 
the  national  domain,  in  the  Florida  negotiation. 

"  Mr.  Adams  replied  with  great  warmth ;  and  went  into  a  minute 
and  interesting  narrative  of  the  whole  transaction.  Among  other 
things,  he  said  that,  before  the  Florida  treaty  was  signed,  he  took  it 
to  Gen.  Jackson,  to  obtain  his  opinion  of  it ;  and  that  it  was  uncon 
ditionally  approved  by  him. 

"  Mr.  Thompson  was  surprised  at  the  announcement  of  this  fact. 
It  weakened  his  position  very  materially  ;  and  he  resumed  his  seat  a 
defeated  antagonist.  So  said  the  House  of  Representatives,  with 
scarcely  the  exception  of  a  member. 

"  Mr.  Adams  continued  his  defence.  *  At  that  time,'  said  he, 
'  General  Jackson  was  in  this  city,  on  exciting  business  connected 
with  the  Seminole  war ;  and,  after  the  treaty  had  been  concluded, 
and  only  wanted  the  signatures  of  the  contracting  parties,  the  then 
President  of  the  United  States  directed  me  to  call  on  General  Jack 
son,  in  my  official  capacity  as  Secretary  of  State,  and  obtain  his 
opinion  in  reference  to  boundaries.  I  did  call.  General  Jackson, 
sir,  was  at  that  time  holding  his  quarters  in  the  hotel  at  the  other 
end  of  the  avenue,  now  kept  by  Mr.  Azariah  Fuller,  but  then  under 
the  management  of  Jonathan  McCarty.  The  day  was  exceedingly 
warm,  and,  on  entering  General  Jackson's  parlor,  I  found  him  much 
exhausted  by  excitement,  and  the  intensity  of  the  weather.  I  made 
known  to  him  the  object  of  my  visit ;  when  he  replied  that  I  would 
greatly  oblige  him  if  I  would  excuse  him  from  looking  into  the 
matter  then.  "  Leave  the  papers  with  me,  sir,  till  to-morrow,  or 
the  next  day,  and  I  will  examine  them."  I  did  leave  them,  sir ; 
and  the  next  day  called  for  the  hero's  opinion  and  decision.  Sir,  I 
recollect  the  occurrence  perfectly  well ;  General  Jackson  was  still 
unwell ;  and  the  papers,  with  an  accompanying  map,  were  spread 
before  him.  With  his  cane,  sir,  he  pointed  to  the  boundaries,  as 
ihey  had  been  agreed  upon  by  the  parties ;  and,  sir.  with  a  v 
emphatic  expression,  which  I  need  not  repeat,  he  affirmed  them.' 
L*  18 


278  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QU1NCY    ADAMS. 

"  This  debate,  whilst  yet  warm  from  the  hands  of  the  reporters, 
reached  General  Jackson ;  and  was  at  once  pressed  upon  his  atten 
tion.  Its  contradiction  and  refutation  were  deemed  matters  of  par 
amount  importance.  The  old  soldier  did  not  hesitate  long  to  act  in 
the  matter,  and  speedily  there  appeared  in  the  Globe  newspaper  a 
letter,  signed  Andrew  Jackson,  denying,  in  unqualified  and  uncon 
ditional  terms,  everything  that  Mr.  Adams  had  uttered.  He  denied 
having  been  in  Washington  at  the  time  Mr.  Adams  designated ; 
but  afterwards,  being  convinced  that  he  was  in  error,  in  this  fact 
only  he  corrected  himself,  but  denied  most  positively  that  he  had 
seen  the  Florida  treaty,  or  Mr.  Adams,  at  the  time  of  its  negotiation. 
or  that  he  had  had  the  remotest  agency  or  connection  with  the 
transaction. 

"  Mr.  Adams  responded,  and  appealed  to  his  diary,  where  every 
thing  was  set  forth  with  the  utmost  precision  and  accuracy.  The 
year,  day  of  the  month,  and  of  the  week,  and  the  very  hour  of  the 
day,  all  were  faithfully  recorded. 

"  The  affair  produced  much  sensation  at  Washington  ;  and  ever, 
the  most  determined  advocates  of  General  Jackson  believed  that  he, 
and  not  Mr.  Adams,  was  in  error.  No  one  would,  or  could  for  a 
moment,  believe  that  Mr.  Adams  '  had  made  a  false  report.' 

"  Whilst  this  controversy  was  pending,  I  called  at  the  Presidential 
mansion,  one  afternoon,  when  General  Jackson,  strange  to  say. 
happened  to  be  .alone.  He  said  that  he  was  very  glad  to  see  me. 
because  he  would  like  to  hear,  from  one  who  had  an  opportunity  of 
seeing  more  of  the  press  than  he  saiv,  what  was  the  exact  state  of 
public  opinion,  in  regard  to  the  controversy. 

" '  As  far  as  I  am  capable  of  judging,  Mr.  President,'  I  replied. 
4  the  people  appear  to  be  unanimous  in  the  opinion  that  there  is  a 
misunderstanding,  a  misapprehension,  between  you  and  Mr.  Adams  ; 
for  no  one  imagines,  for  a  moment,  that  either  of  you  would  mis 
represent  facts  !  Mr.  Adams  is  a  man  of  infinite  method  ;  ho  is 
generally  accurate,  and,  in  this  instance,  it  appears  that  he  is  sus 
tained  by  his  diary.' 

" '  His  diary !  don't  tell  me  anything  more  about  his  diary  ! 
Sir,  that  diary  comes  up  on  all  occasions — one  would  think  that  its 
pages  were  as  immutable  as  the  laws  of  the  Modes  and  Persians ! 
•Sir,  that  diary  will  be  the  death  of  me  !  I  wonder  if  James  Monroe 
kept  a  diary !  If  he  did,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  it  will  be  looked  to. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN  QU1XCY    ADAMS.  279 

to  see  if  it  contains  anything  about  this  Adams  and  Don  Onis  treaty. 
Sir,  I  did  not  see  it ;  I  was  not  consulted  about  it.' 

"  The  old  hero  was  exceedingly  vehement,  and  was  proceeding  to 
descant  with  especial  violence,  when  he  was  interrupted  by  the  en 
trance  of  Mr.  Secretary  Woodbury,  and  I  never  heard  another 
word  about  the  matter.  A  question  of  veracity  between  the  parties 
was  raised,  and  was  never  adjudicated.  Both  went  down  to  the 
grave  before  any  definite  light  was  cast  on  the  subject ;  but  the 
world  had  decided  that  General  Jackson  was  in  error.* 

*  Reminiscences  of  the  late  John  Quincy  Adams,  by  an  Old  Colony 
Man. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

MR.    ADAMS     PRESENTS     PETITIONS    FOR    THE     ABOLISHMENT    OP 

SLAVERY OPPOSITION     OF     SOUTHERN    MEMBERS EXCITING 

SCENES    IN    THE     HOUSE     OF     REPRESENTATIVES MARKS     OF 

CONFIDENCE    IN    MR.    ADAMS. 

IN  the  meantime,  during  the  years  1836  and  1837, 
the  public  mind  in  the  Northern  States,  became  fully 
aroused  to  the  enormities  of  American  slavery — its  en 
croachments  on  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  free 
States — the  undue  influence  it  was  exercising  in  our 
national  councils — and  the  evident  determination  to 
enlarge  its  borders  and  its  evils,  by  the  addition  of  new 
and  large  territories.  Petitions  for  the  abolition  of 
slavery  and  the  slave  trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia 
and  the  Territories,  began  to  pour  into  Congress,  from 
every  section  of  the  East  and  North.  These  were  gen 
erally  presented  by  Mr.  Adams.  His  age  and  experi 
ence — his  well-known  influence  in  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives — his  patriotism,  and  his  intrepid  advocacy 
of  human  freedom — inspired  the  confidence  of  the 
people  of  the  free  States,  and  led  them  to  entrust  ta 
him  their  petitions.  With  scrupulous  fidelity  he  pel- 
formed  the  duty  thus  imposed  upon  him.  Whoever 
petitions  might  come  from — whatever  the  nature  of 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  281 

their  prayer — whether  for  such  objects  as  he  could 
sanction  or  not — if  they  were  clothed  in  respectful 
language,  Mr.  Adams  felt  himself  under  an  imperative 
obligation  to  present  them  to  Congress.  For  several 
sessions  at  this  period,  few  days  passed  without  his  pre 
senting  more  or  less  petitions  having  some  relation  to 
the  subject  of  slavery. 

The  southern  members  of  Congress  became  alarmed 
at  these  demonstrations,  and  determined  to  arrest  them, 
even  at  the  sacrifice,  if  need  be,  of  the  right  of  petition 
— the  most  sacred  privilege  of  freemen.  On  the  8th 
of  Feb.,  1836,  a  committee  was  raised  by  the  House  of 
Representatives,  to  take  into  consideration  what  dis 
position  should  be  made  of  petitions  and  memorials  for 
the  abolition  of  slavery  and  the  slave  trade,  in  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia,  and  report  thereon.  This  committee 
consisted  of  Messrs.  Pinckney  of  South  Carolina, 
Hamer  of  Ohio,  Pierce  of  New  Hampshire,  Hardin 
of  Kentucky,  Jarvis  of  Maine,  Owens  of  Georgia., 
Muhlenberg  of  Pennsylvania,  Dromgoole  of  Virginia, 
and  Turrill  of  New  York.  On  the  18th  of  May,  the 
committee  made  a  lengthy  and  unanimous  report 
through  Mr.  Pinckney,  recommending  the  adoption 
of  the  following  resolutions  : — 

"  Resolved,  That  Congress  possesses  no  constitutional  authority 
to  interfere  in  any  way  with  the  institution  of  slavery  in  any  of  thft 
States  of  this  Confederacy. 

"  Resolved,  That  Congress  ought  not  to  interfere  in  any  way 
/ith  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

"  And  whereas,  It  is  extremely  important  and  desiraMe  that  the 


282  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

agitation  of  this  subject  should  be  finally  arrested,  for  the  purpose 
of  restoring  tranquillity  to  the  public  mind,  your  committee  respect 
fully  recommend  the  adoption  of  the  following  additional  resolu 
tion,  viz. : — > 

"  Resolved,  That  all  petitions,  memorials,  resolutions,  propositions 
or  papers,  relating  in  any  way,  or  to  any  extent  whatever,  to  the 
subject  of  slavery,  or  the  abolition  of  slavery,  shall,  without  being 
either  printed  or  referred,  be  laid  upon  the  table;  and  that  no  further 
action  whatever  shall  be  had  thereon." 

When  the  first  of  these  resolutions  was  taken  up, 
Mr.  Adams  said,  if  the  House  would  allow  him  five 
minutes'  time,  he  would  prove  the  resolution  to  be 
untrue.  His  request  was  denied. 

On  the  third  resolution  Mr.  Adams  refused  to  vote, 
and  sent  to  the  Speaker's  chair  the  following  declara 
tion,  demanding  that  it  should  be  placed  on  the  journal 
of  the  House,  there  to  stand  to  the  latest  posterity  : — 

"  I  hold  the  resolution  to  be  a  direct  violation  of  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States,  of  the  rules  of  this  House,  and  of  the 
rights  of  my  constituents." 

Notwithstanding  the  rule  embodied  in  this  resolution 
virtually  trampled  the  right  of  petition  into  the  dust, 
yet  it  was  adopted  by  the  House,  by  a  large  majority. 
But  Mr.  Adams  was  not  to  be  deterred  by  this  arbitrary 
restriction,  from  a  faithful  discharge  of  his  duty  as  a 
representative  of  the  people.  Petitions  on  the  subject 
of  slavery  continued  to  be  transmitted  to  him  in  in 
creased  numbers.  With  unwavering  firmness — against 
a  bitter  and  unscrupulous  opposition,  exasperated  to 
the  highest  pitch  by  his  pertinacity — amidst  a  perfect 
tempest  of  vituperation  and  abuse — he  persevered  in 


V  y  ) 

LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS.  283 

presenting  these  petitions,  one  by  one,  to  the  amount 
sometimes  of  two  hundred  in  a  day — demanding  the 
action  of  the  House  on  each  separate  petition. 

His  position  amid  these  scenes  was  in  the  highest 
degree  illustrious  and  sublime.  An  old  man,  with  the 
weight  of  years  upon  him,  forgetful  of  the  elevated 
stations  he  had  occupied,  and  the  distinguished  honors 
received  for  past  services,  turning  away  from  the  re 
pose  which  age  so  greatly  needs,  and  laboring,  amidst 
scorn  and  derision,  and  threats  of  expulsion  and  assas 
sination,  to  maintain  the  sacred  right  of  petition  for  the 
poorest  and  humblest  in  the  land — insisting  that  the 
voice  of  a  free  people  should  be  heard  by  their  repre 
sentatives,  when  they  would  speak  in  condemnation  of 
human  slavery  and  call  upon  them  to  maintain  the 
principles  of  liberty  embodied  in  the  immortal  Declar 
ation  of  Independence — was  a  spectacle  unwitnessed 
before  in  the  history  of  legislation.  A  few  specimens 
of  these  transactions  will  enable  the  reader  to  judge 
of  the  trials  Mr.  Adams  was  compelled  to  endure  in 
the  discharge  of  his  duties,  and  also  of  his  moral  courage 
and  indomitable  perseverance,  amid  the  most  appalling 
circumstances. 

On  the  6th  of  Jan.,  1837,  Mr.  Adams  presented  the  petition  oi 
one  hundred  and  fifty  women,  whom  he  stated  to  be  the  wives  and 
daughters  of  his  immediate  constituents,  praying  for  the  abolition 
of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  moved  that  the  petition 
be  read. 

Mr.  Glascock  objected  to  its  reception. 

Mr.  Parks  moved  that  the  preliminary  motion,  on  the  reception  of 
the  petition,  be  laid  on  the  table,  which  was  carried. 


284  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAiMS. 

Mr.  Adams  said,  that  if  he  had  understood  the  decision  of  tne 
Speaker  in  this  case,  it  was  not  the  petition  itself  which  was  laid 
upon  the  table,  but  the  motion  to  receive,  ^n  order  to  save  the 
time  of  the  House,  he  wished  to  give  notice  that  he  should  call  up 
that  motion,  for  decision,  every  day,  so  long  as  he  should  be  per- 
mited  to  do  so  by  the  House ;  because  he  should  not  consider  his 
duty  accomplished  so  long  as  the  petition  was  not  received,  and  so 
long  as  the  House  had  not  decided  that  it  would  not  receive  it. 

Mr.  Pincknay  rose  to  a  qusstion  of  order,  and  inquired  if  there 
Was  now  any  question  pending  before  the  House  ? 

The  Speaker  said,  he  had  understood  the  gentleman  from  Mas 
sachusetts  as  merely  giving  notice  of  a  motion  hereafter  to  be 
made.  In  doing  so,  it  certainly  was  not  in  order  to  enter  into 
debate. 

Mr.  Adams  said,  that  so  long  as  freedom  of  speech  was  allowed 
to  him  as  a  member  of  that  House,  he  would  call  up  that  question 
until  it  should  be  decided. 

Mr.  Adams  was  called  to  order. 

Mr.  A.  said,  he  would  then  have  the  honor  of  presenting  to  the 
House  the  petition  of  two  hundred  and  twenty-eight  women,  the 
wives  and  daughters  of  his  immediate  constituents ;  and  as  a  part 
of  the  speech  which  he  intended  to  make,  he  would  take  the  liberty 
of  reading  the  petition.  It  was  not  long,  and  would  not  consume 
much  time. 

Mr.  Glascock  objected  to  the  reception  of  the  petition. 

Mr.  Adams  proceeded  to  read,  that  the  petitioners,  inhabitants  of 
South  Weymouth,  in  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  "  impressed  with 
the  sinfulness  of  slavery,  and  keenly  aggrieved  by  its  existence  ;n 
a  part  of  our  country  over  which  Congress " 

Mr.  Pinckney  rose  to  a  question  of  order.  Had  the  gentlon  an 
from  Massachusetts  a  right,  under  the  rule,  to  read  the  petition  ? 

The  Speaker  said,  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  haa  a 
right  to  make  a  statement  of  the  contents  of  the  petition. 

Mr.  Pinckney  desired  the  decision  of  the  Speaker  as  to  whether 
a  gentleman  had  a  right  to  read  a  petition. 

Mr.  Adams  said  he  was  reading  the  petition  as  a  part  of  his 
speech,  and  he  took  this  to  be  one  of  the  privileges  of  a  member  of 
the  House.  It  was  a  privilege  he  would  exercise  till  he  should  be 
deprived  of  it  by  some  positive  act. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    ClUINCY    ADAMS.  285 

The  Speaker  repeated  that  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts 
had  a  right  to  make  a  brief  statement  of  the  contents  of  the  petition. 
It  was  not  for  the  Speaker  to  decide  whether  that  brief  statement 
should  be  made  in  the  gentleman's  own  language,  or  whether  he 
should  look  over  the  petition,  and  take  his  statement  from  that 

Mr.  Adams. — At  the  time  my  friend  from  South  Carolina 

The  Speaker  said  the  gentleman  must  proceed  to  state  the  con 
tents  of  the  petition. 

Mr.  Adams. — I  am  doing  so,  sir. 

The  Speaker. — Not  in  the  opinion  of  the  chair. 

Mr.  Adams. — I  was  at  this  point  of  the  petition — "  Keenly 
aggrieved  by  its  existence  in  a  part  of  our  country  over  which  Con- 
Tress  possesses  exclusive  jurisdiction  in  all  cases  whatsoever " 

Loud  cries  of  "  Order,"  "  Order !" 

Mr.  Adams. — "  Do  most  earnestly  petition  your  honorable 
body " 

Mr.  Chambers  of  Kentucky  rose  to  a  point  of  order. 

Mr.  Adams. — "  Immediately  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of 

Columbia " 

-    Mr.  Chambers   reiterated   his   call   to   order,  and   the   Speaker 
directed  Mr.  Adams  to  take  his  seat. 

Mr.  Adams  proceeded  with  great  rapidity  of  enunciation,  and  in  a 
very  loud  tone  of  voice — "  And  to  declare  every  human  being  free 
who  sets  foot  upon  its  soil .'" 

The  confusion  in  the  hall  at  this  time  was  very  great.  The 
Speaker  decided  that  it  was  not  in  order  for  a  member  to  read  a 
petition,  whether  it  was  long  or  short. 

Mr.  Adams  appealed  from  any  decision  which  went  to  establish 
the  principle  that  a  member  of  the  House  should  not  have  the  power 
to  read  what  he  chose.  He  had  never  before  heard  of  such  a  thing. 
If  this  practice  was  to  be  reversed,  let  the  decision  stand  upon  record, 
and  let  it  appear  how  entirely  the  freedom  of  speech  was  suppressed 
in  this  House.  If  the  reading  of  a  paper  was  to  be  suppressed  hi 
his  person,  so  help  him  God,  he  would  only  consent  to  it  as  a  matter 
of  record. 

Mr.  Adams  finished  the  petition.  The  petitioners  "  respectfully 
announce  their  intention  to  present  the  same  petition  yearly  before 
this  honorable  body,  that  it  might  at  least  be  a  memorial  in  th?  1 
cause  of  human  freedom  that  they  had  done  what  they  could." 


286  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

These  words  were  read  amidst  tumultuous  cries  for  "order," 
from  every  part  of  the  House.  The  petition  was  finally  received, 
and  laid  upon  the  tahle. 

Other  scenes  of  a  still  more  exciting  character  soon 
occurred. 

On  the  7th  of  February,  1837,  after  Mr.  Adams  had  offered  sol  ie 
two  hundred  or  more  abolition  petitions,  he  came  to  a  halt ;  ar  d, 
without  yielding  the  floor,  employed  himself  in  packing  up  his  bud 
get.  He  was  about  resuming  his  seat,  when  he  took  up  a  paper, 
and  hastily  glancing  at  it,  exclaimed,  in  a  shrill  tone— 

"  Mr.  Speaker,  I  have  in  my  possession  a  petition  of  a  somewh  it 
extraordinary  character  ;  and  I  wish  to  inquire  of  the  chair  if  it  lie 
in  order  to  present  it." 

"  If  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts,"  said  the  Speaker,  "  w  11 
inform  the  chair  what  the  character  of  the  petition  is,  it  will  pro  )- 
ably  be  able  to  decide  on  the  subject." 

"  Sir,"  ejaculated  Mr.  Adams,  "  the  petition  is  signed  by  eleven 
slaves  of  the  town  of  Fredericksburgh,  in  the  county  of  Culpeppe-:, 
in  the  state  of  Virginia.  It  is  one  of  those  petitions  which,  it  h:;s, 
occurred  to  my  mind,  are  not  what  they  purport  to  be.  It  is  signe  1 
partly  by  persons  who  cannot  write,  by  making  their  marks,  and 
partly  by  persons  whose  handwriting  would  manifest  that  they  havo 
received  the  education  of  slaves.  The  petition  declares  itself  to  bo 
from  slaves,  and  I  am  requested  to  present  it.  I  will  send  it  to  tho 
chair." 

The  Speaker  (Mr.  Polk,)  who  habitually  extended  to  Mr.  Adams 
every  courtesy  and  kindness  imaginable,  was  taken  by  surprise,  and 
found  himself  involved  in  a  dilemma.  Giving  his  chair  one  of  those 
IdLches  which  ever  denoted  his  excitement,  he  said  that  a  petition 
from  slaves  was  a  novelty,  and  involved  a  question  that  he  did  not 
feel  called  upon  to  decide.  HQ  would  like  to  take  time  to  consider 
it ;  and,  in  the  meantime,  would  refer  it  to  the  House. 

The  House  was  very  thin  at  the  time,  and  little  attention  was  paid 
to  what  was  going  on,  till  the  excitement  of  the  Speaker  attracted 
the  attention  of  Mr.  Dixon  H.  Lewis,  of  Alabama,  who  impatiently, 
and  under  great  excitement,  rose  and  inquired  what  the  petition  was. 

Mr.  Speaker  afforded  tho  required  information.  Mr.  Lewis,  for 
getting  all  discretion,  whilst  he  frothed  at  the  mouth,  turned  towards 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCV    ADAMS.  287 

Mr.  Adams,  and  ejaculated  at  the  top  of  his  voice,  "  By  G-d,  sir, 
this  is  not  to  be  endured  any  longer  !" 

"  Treason !  treason  !"  screamed  a  half  dozen  other  members. 
"  Expel  the  old  scoundrel ;  put  him  out ;  do  not  let  him  disgrace 
the  House  any  longer  !" 

"  Get  up  a  resolution  to  meet  the  case,"  exclaimed  a  member  from 
North  Carolina. 

Mr.  George  C.  Dromgoole,  who  had  acquired  a  very  favorable 
reputation  as  a  parliamentarian,  was  selected  as  the  very  man  who, 
of  all  others,  was  most  capable  of  drawing  up  a  resolution  that 
would  meet  and  cover  the  emergency.  He  produced  a  resolution 
with  a  preamble,  in  which  it  was  stated,  substantially,  that,  whereas 
the  Hon.  John  Quincy  Adams,  a  representative  from  Massachusetts, 
had  presented  to  the  House  of  Representatives  a  petition  signed  by 
negro  slaves,  thus  "  giving  color  to  an  idea"  that  bondmen  were  capa 
ble  of  exercising  the  right  of  petition,  it  was  "  Resolved,  That  he  be 
taken  to  the  bar  of  the  House,  and  be  censured  by  the  Speaker 
thereof." 

Mr.  Haynes  said,  the  true  motion,  in  his  judgment,  would  be  to 
move  that  the  petition  be  rejected. 

Mr.  Lewis  hoped  that  no  motion  of  that  kind  would  come  from 
any  gentleman  from  a  slavehokiing  section  of  the  country. 

Mr.  Haynes  said  he  would  cheerfully  withdraw  his  motion. 

Mr.  Lewis  was  glad  the  motion  was  withdrawn.  He  believed 
that  the  House  should  punish  severely  such  an  infraction  of  its  de 
corum  and  its  rules ;  and  he  called  on  the  members  from  the  slave- 
nolding  States  to  come  forward  now  and  demand  of  the  House  tho 
punishment  of  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts. 

Mr.  Grantland,  of  Georgia,  would  second  the  motion,  and  go  all 
lengths  in  support  of  it. 

Mr.  Lewis  said,  that  if  the  House  would  inflict  no  punishment 
for  such  flagrant  violations  of  its  dignity  as  this,  it  would  be  better 
for  the  Representatives  from  the  slaveholding  States  to  go  home  at 
once. 

Mr.  Alford  said,  if  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  intended 
to  present  this  petition,  the  moment  it  was  presented  he  should 
move,  as  an  act  of  justice  to  the  South,  which  he  in  part  repre 
sented,  and  which  he  conceived  had  been  treated  with  indignity, 
that  it  be  taken  from  the  House  and  burnt ;  and  he  hoped  that  every 


288  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

man  who  was  a  friend  to  the  constitution,  would  support  nirr . 
There  must  be  an  end  to  this  constant  attempt  to  raise  excitemen  , 
or  the  Union  could  not  exist  much  longer.  The  moment  any  ma  i 
should  disgrace  the  Government  under  which  he  lived,  by  present 
ing  a  petition  from  slaves,  praying  for  emancipation,  he  hoped  that 
petition  would,  by  order  of  the  House,  be  committed  to  the  flames. 

Mr.  Waddy  Thompson  moved  the  following  resolution : — 

"Resolved,  That  the  Hon.  John  Quincy  Adams,  by  the  attempt 
just  made  by  him  to  introduce  a  petition  purporting  on  its  face  to 
be  from  slaves,  has  been  guilty  of  a  gross  disrespect  to  this  House, 
and  that  he  be  instantly  brought  to  the  bar,  to  receive  the  seven; 
censure  of  the  Speaker." 

The  idea  of  bringing  the  venerable  ex-President  to  the  bar,  like 
a  culprit,  to  receive  a  reprimand  from  a  comparatively  youthful 
Speaker,  would  be  a  spectacle  so  disgraceful,  and  withal  so  absurd, 
that  the  proposition  met  with  no  favor.  An  easier  way  to  repri 
mand  was  devised.  Mr.  Haynes  introduced  the  following  resolu 
tion  : — 

"  Resolved,  That  John  Quincy  Adams,  a  Representative  from  the 
State  of  Massachusetts,  has  rendered  himself  justly  liable  to  the 
severest  censure  of  this  House,  and  is  censured  accordingly,  for 
having  attempted  to  present  to  the  House  the  petition  of  slaves." 

Several  other  resolutions  and  propositions,  from  members  of 
slavcholding  States,  were  submitted  to  the  House ;  but  none  proved 
satisfactory  even  to  themselves.  Mr.  Adams,  unmoved  by  the  tem 
pest  which  raged  around  him, defended  himself,  and  the  integrity  of 
his  purpose,  with  the  distinguished  ability  and  eloquence  which 
characterized  all  his  public  labors. 

"  In  regard  to  the  resolutions  now  before  the  House,"  said  he, 
"as  they  all  concur  in  naming  me,  and  in  charging  me  with  high 
crimes  and  misdemeanors,  and  in  calling  me  to  the  bar  of  the  House 
to  answer  for  my  crimes,  I  have  thought  it  was  my  duty  to  remain 
silent,  until  it  should  be  the  pleasure  of  the  House  to  act  either  on 
one  or  the  other  of  these  resolutions.  I  suppose  that,  if  I  shall  be 
brought  to  the  bar  of  the  House,  I  shall  not  be  struck  mute  by  the 
previous  question,  before  I  have  an  opportunity  to  say  a  word  OF 
two  in  my  own  defence.  ****** 

"  Now,  as  to  the  fact  what  the  petition  was  for,  I  simply  state  to 
the  gentleman  from  Alabama,  (Mr.  D.  II.  Lewis,)  who  has  sent  to 


L.IFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  289 

the  table  a  resolution  assuming  that  this  petition  was  for  the  aboli 
tion  of  slavery — I  state  to  him  that  he  is  mistaken.  He  must 
amend  his  resolution  ;  for  if  the  House  should  choose  to  read  this 
petition,  I  can  state  to  them  they  would  find  it  something  very  much 
the  reverse  of  that  which  the  resolution  states  it  to  be.  And  if  the 
gentleman  from  Alabama  still  chooses  to  bring  me  to  the  bar  of 
die  House,  he  must  amend  his  resolution  in  a  very  important  par 
ticular  ;  for  he  may  probably  have  to  put  into  it,  that  my  crime  has 
been  for  attempting  to  introduce  the  petition  of  slaves  that  slavery 
should  not  be  abolished.  ****** 

"  Sir,  it  is  well  known,  that  from  the  time  I  entered  this  House, 
down  to  the  present  day,  I  have  felt  it  a  sacred  duty  to  present  any 
petition,  couched  in  respectful  language,  from  any  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  be  its  object  what  it  may  ;  be  the  prayer  of  it  that  in 
which  I  could  concur,  or  that  to  which  I  was  utterly  opposed.  It 
is  for  the  sacred  right  of  petition  that  I  have  adopted  this  course. 
********  Where  is  your  law  which  says  that  the  mean,  and  the 
low,  and  the  degraded,  shall  be  deprived  of  the  right  of  petition,  if 
their  moral  character  is  not  good  ?  Where,  in  the  land  of  freemen, 
was  the  right  of  petition  ever  placed  on  the  exclusive  basis  of 
morality  and  virtue  ?  Petition  is  supplication — it  is  entreaty — it  is 
prayer!  And  where  is  the  degree  of  vice  or  immorality  which 
shall  deprive  the  citizen  of  the  right  to  supplicate  for  a  boon,  or  to 
pray  far  mercy?  Where  is  such  a  law  to  be  found  ?  It  does  not 
belong  to  the  most  abject  despotism  !  There  is  no  absolute  monarch 
on  earth,  who  is  not  compelled,  by  the  constitution  of  his  country,  to 
receive  the  petitions  of  his  people,  whosoever  they  may  be.  The 
Sultan  of  Constantinople  cannot  walk  the  streets  and  refuse  to  re 
ceive  petitions  from  the  meanest  and  vilest  of  the  land.  This  is  the 
law  even  of  despotism.  And  what  does  your  law  say  ?  Does  it 
say  that,  before  presenting  a  petition.,  you  shall  look  into  it,  and 
see  whether  it  comes  from  the  virtuous,  and  the  great,  and  the 
mighty  ?  No  sir ;  it  says  no  such  thing.  The  right  of  petition  be 
longs  to  all.  And  so  far  from  refusing  to  present  a  petition  because 
it  might  come  from  those  low  in  the  estimation  of  the  world,  it  would 
be  an  additional  incentive,  if  such  incentive  were  wanting. 

"  But  I  must  admit,"  continued  Mr.  Adams,  sarcastically,  "  that 
when  color  comes  into  the  question,  there  may  be  other  consider 
ations.  It  is  possible  that  this  House,  which  seems  to  consider  it 


290  LIFE    OF    JOHN    ClUINCY    ADAMS. 

so  great  a  crime  to  attempt  to  offer  a  petition  from  slaves,  may,  for 
aught  I  know,  say  that  freemen,  if  not  of  the  carnation,  shall  be  de 
prived  of  the  right  of  petition,  in  the  sense  of  the  House." 

When  southern  members  saw  that,  in  their  haste,  they  had  not 
tarried  to  ascertain  the  nature  of  the  petition,  and  that  it  prayed  for 
the  perpetuation,  instead  of  the  abolition  of  slavery,  their  position 
became  so  ludicrous,  that  their  exasperation  was  greatly  increased. 
At  the  time  the  petition  was  announced  by -Mr.  Adams,  the  Hous<> 
was  very  thin;  but  the  excitement  it  produced  soon  filled  it ;  and, 
besides,  the  sergeant-al-arms  had  been  instructed  to  arrest  and  brin<.; 
in  all  absentees.  The  excitement  commenced  at  about  one  o'clock, 
and  continued  until  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening,  when  the  House 
adjourned.  Mr.  Adams  stood  at  his  desk,  resolutely  refusing  to  be 
seated  till  the  matter  was  disposed  of,  alleging  that  if  he  were  guilty, 
he  was  not  entitled  to  a  seat  among  high  and  honorable  men 
When  Mr.  Droomgoole's  resolution  was  read  to  the  House  for  ik 
consideration,  Mr.  Adams  yielded  to  it  one  of  those  sarcastic  snccr> 
which  he  was  in  the  habit  of  giving,  when  provoked  to  satire  ;  and 
said — "  Mr.  Speaker,  if  I  understand  the  resolution  of  the  honorable 
gentleman  from  Virginia,  it  charges  me  with  being  guilty  of '  giving 
color  to  an  idea  /'  "  The  whole  House  broke  forth  in  one  common 
irrepressible  peal  of  laughter.  The  Droomgoole  resolution  was 
actually  laughed  out  of  existence.  The  House  now  found  that  it 
had  got  itself  in  a  dilemma, — that  Mr.  Adams  was  too  much  for  it ; 
and,  at  last,  adjourned,  leaving  the  affair  in  the  position  in  which 
they  found  it. 

For  several  days  this  subject  continued  to  agitate  the  House. 
Mr.  Adams  not  only  warded  off  the  virulent  attacks  made  upon  him, 
but  carried  the  war  so  effectually  into  the  camp  of  his  enemies,  that, 
becoming  heartily  tired  of  the  contest,  they  repeatedly  endeavored 
to  get  rid  of  the  whole  subject  by  laying  it  on  the  table.  To  this 
Mr.  Adams  objected.  He  insisted  that  it  should  be  thoroughly  can 
vassed.  Immense  excitement  ensued.  Call  after  call  of  the  House 
was  made.  Mr.  Henry  A.  Wise,  who  was,  at  the  time,  engaged 
on  the  Reuben  Whitney  affair,  was  sent  for.  with  an  accompanying 
message  that  the  stability  of  the  Union  was  in  danger! 

Breathless,  and  impatient,  Mr.  Wise  made  his  appearance,  and 
inquired  what  was  the  matter.  He  was  informed. 

•'  And  is  that  all  ?"  ejaculated  Mr.  Wise.     "  The  gentleman  from 


LIFE    OF   JOHX    aCIWCY    ADAMS.  29] 

Massachusetts  has  presented  a  petition  signed  by  slaves!  Well, 
sir,  and  what  of  that  ?  Is  anybody  banned  by  it  ?  Sir,  in  my 
opinion,  slaves  are  the  very  persons  who  should  petition.  Mine, 
sir,  pray  to  me,  and  I  listen  to  them ;  and  shall  not  the  feeble  sup 
plicate  ?  Sir,  I  see  no  danger,— the  country,  I  believe,  is  safe." 

At  length  the  exciting  subject  was  brought  to  a  termination,  by 
the  passage  of  the  following  preamble  and  resolutions;  much 
softened,  it  will  be  seen,  in  comparison  with  the  measures  first 
proposed:— 

"  An  inquiry  having  been  made  by  an  honorable  gentleman  from 
Massachusetts,  whether  a  paper  which  he  held  in  his  hand,  pur 
porting  to  be  a  petition  from  certain  slavey  and  declaring  themselves 
to  be  slaves,  came  within  the  order  of  the  House  of  the  18th  of 
January,*  and  the  said  paper  not  having  been  received  by  the 
Speaker,  he  stated  that  in  a  case  so  extraordinary  and  novel,  he 
would  take  the  advice  and  counsel  of  the  House. 

"Resolved,  That  this  House  cannot  receive  said  petition  without 
disregarding  its  own  dignity,  the  rights  of  a  large  class  of  citizens 
of  the  South  and  West,  and  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

*  Resolved,  That  slaves  do  not  possess  the  right  of  petition  secured 
to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  by  die  constitution." 

The  slave  petition  is  believed  to  have  been  a  counterfei^mann- 
factured  by"c^itain  members  from  slaveholding  States. and  was  sent 
to  Mr.  Adams  by  the  way  of  experiment — with  the  double  design 
of  ascertaining  if  be  could  be  imposed  upon ;  and,  if  the  deception, 
succeeded,  those  who  got  it  up  were  curious  to  know  if  the  ven 
erable  gWfr""*"  would  redeem  his  pledge,  and  present  a  petition, 
no  matter  who  it  came  from.  He  was  too  wily  not  to  detect  the 
plot  at  the  outset ;  he  knew  that  all  was  a  hoax;  but,  he  resolved 
to  present  the  paper,  and  then  torn  the  tahles^on  its  authors.! 

On  the  20th  of  December,  1S38.  Mr.  Adams  presented  a  petition 
praying  for  the  establishment  of  international  relations  with  the 
Republic  of  Hayti,  and  moved  that  it  be  referred  to  the  Committee 


*  This  order  was  the  came  as  that  adopted  by  die  House  on  the  Ufch 
of  May,  1836.    See  p.  281. 
t  Reminiscences  of  the  late  John  Quincy  Adams,  by  an  OU  Colony 


292  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

on  Foreign  Affairs,  with  instructions  to  consider  and  report  thereon. 
This  motion  was  opposed  with  great  warmth  by  members  from 
slaveholding  States.  Mr.  Adams  was  repeatedly  interrupted  during 
the  delivery  of  the  brief  speech  he  made  on  the  occasion. 

Mr.  Bynum  insisted  that  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts 
should  take  his  seat,  under  the  rule.  If,  however,  he  was  per 
mitted  to  proceed.  Mr.  B.  hoped  some  gentleman  of  the  slaveholdin  j 
portion  of  the  House  would  be  allowed  to  answer  him. 

Mr.  Adams. — Sir,  I  hope  so.  Only  open  our  mouths,  gentlemen ; 
that  is  all  we  ask,  and  you  may  answer  as  much  as  you  please. 

Mr.  Bynum. — I  object  to  the  gentleman  proceeding  further  wit  i 
his  observations,  except  by  consent  of  the  House.  If  we  hava 
rules  we  had  better  either  obey  them  or  burn  them. 

The  House  voted,  by  114  to  47,  to  allow  Mr.  Adams  to  proceed 

In  continuing  his  speech,  Mr.  Adams  said,  that  even  admitting 
the  object  of  the  petitioners  is  abolition,  as  has  been  alleged,  the/ 
had  the  right  to  petition  for  that  too ;  for  every  individual  in  th  ? 
country  had  a  right  to  be  an  abolitionist.  The  great  men  of  th»j 
Revolution  were  abolitionists,  and  if  any  man  denies  it,  I  will  prove  it. 

Mr.  Wise. — I  deny  it. 

The  Speaker  said  this  was  out  of  order. 

Mr.  Adams. — I  feel  obliged  to  the  gentleman  from  Virginia  for 
giving  me  the  invitation,  and  I  will  now  prove  what  I  say. 

The  Speaker  said  this  did  not  form  any  part  of  the  question 
before  the  House. 

Mr.  Adams. — George  Washington,  in  arliculo  mortis,  by  his  last 
will  and  testament,  before  God,  his  Creator,  emancipated  his  slaves. 

Mr.  Wise. — Because  he  had  no  children. 

The  Speaker  again  interposed,  and  said  the  gentleman  could  not 
go  into  that  question.  It  was  entirely  out  of  order. 

Mr.  Adams. — I  did  but  accept  the  invitation  of  the  gentleman 
from  Virginia.  I  do  not  wish  to  go  further.  I  simply  take  the 
position  that  George  Washington  was  an  abolitionist  in  the  most 
extensive  sense  of  the  term  ;  and  I  defy  any  man  in  this  House  to 
the  discussion,  and  to  prove  to  the  contrary  if  he  can. 

The  Speaker  called  Mr.  Adams  to  order. 

Mr.  Adams. — Well,  sir,  I  was  stating  the  high  authority  which 
is  to  be  found  for  the  principles  of  abolition.  Does  the  gentleman 
from  Virginia  deny  that  Thomas  JelForson  was  an  abolitionist  ? 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS.  293 

Mr.  Wise.— I  do. 

The  Speaker  again  interposed. 

Mr.  Adams. — Well,  sir,  then  I  come  back  to  my  position,  that 
every  man  in  this  country  has  a  right  to  be  an  abolitionist,  and  that 
in  being  so  he  offends  no  law,  but,  in  my  opinion,  obeys  the  most 
sacred  of  all  laws. 

The  motion  to  instruct  the  committee,  was  finally  laid  upon  the 
table. 

Mr.  Adams  was  evidently  anxious  to  engage  in  a 
legitimate  discussion,  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
of  the  subject  of  slavery  iri'allits  bearings,  influences, 
and  results.  Such  a  discussion,  coolly  and  deliberately 
entered  upon,  by  men  of  the  most  distinguished  abili 
ties  in  the  nation,  could  not  but  have  been  pregnant 
with  lasting  good,  not  only  to  the  Xorth,  but  also  to 
the  South  and  the  entire  country.  To  afford  oppor 
tunity  for  a  dignified  and  profitable  investigation  of 
this  momentous  topic,  Mr.  Adams,  on  the  25th  of  Feb., 
1839,  proposed  the  following  amendments  to  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States : — 

"  Resolved,  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  in  Con 
gress  assembled,  two-thirds  of  both  Houses  concurring  therein,  That 
the  following  amendments  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
be  proposed  to  the  several  States  of  the  Union,  which,  when  ratified 
by  three-fourths  of  the  legislatures  of  said  States,  shall  become  and 
be  I  part  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  : — 
^t  1.  From  and  after  the  4th  day  of  July,  1842,  there  shall  be 
throughout  the  United  States  no  hereditary  slavery ;  but  on  and 
after  that  day,  every  child  born  within  the  United  States,  their  terri 
tories  or  jurisdiction,  shall  be  born  free. 

"  2.  With  the  exception  of  the  territory  of  Florida,  there  shall 
henceforth  never  be  admitted  into  this  Union,  any  State,  the  con 
stitution  of  which  shall  tolerate  within  the  same  the  existence  of 
slavery. 

M  19 


294  LIFE    OF    JOHN    (iUINCY    ADAMS. 

"  3.  From  and  after  the  4th  day  of  July,  1845,  there  shall  be 
neither  slavery  nor  slave  trade,  at  the  seat  of  Government  of  the 
United  States."  / 

Instead  of  meeting  and  canvassing,  in  a  manly  and 
honorable  manner,  the  vitally  important  question  in 
volved  in  these  propositions,  the  slaveholding  Repre 
sentatives  objected  to  its  coming  before  the  House  for 
consideration,  in  any  form  whatever.  In  this  instance, 
as  in  most  others,  where  the  merits  of  slavery  are  in 
volved,  the  supporters  of  that  institution  manifested  a 
timidity,  a  want  of  confidence  in  its  legitimacy,  of  the 
most  suspicious  nature.  If  slavery  is  lawful  and  de 
fensible — if  it  violates  no  true  principle  among  men. 
no  human  right  bestowed  by  the  Creator — if  it  can  be 
tolerated  and  perpetuated  in  harmony  with  republican 
institutions  and  our  Declaration  of  Independence — 
if  its  existence  in  the  bosom  of  the  Confederacy 
involves  no  incongruity,  and  is  calculated  to  promote 
the  prosperity  and  stability  of  the  Union,  or  the  wel 
fare  of  the  slaveholding  States  themselves — these  are 
facts  which  can  be  made  evident  to  the  world,  by  the 
unsurpassed  abilities  of  southern  statesmen.  Why, 
then,  object  to  a  candid  and  fearless  investigation  of 
the  subject  ?  But  if  slavery  is  the  reverse  of  all  this — 
if  it  is  a  moral  poison,  contaminating  and  blighting 
everything  connected  with  it,  and  containing  the  seeds 
of  its  own  dissolution  sooner  or  later — why  should 
wise,  sagacious  politicians,  prudent  and  honest  men, 
and  conscientious  Christians,  shut  their  eyes  and  turn 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAM9.  295 

away  from  a  fact  so  appalling  and  so  dangerous.  No 
man  of  intelligence  can  hope,  in  this  age  of  the  world, 
to  perpetuate  that  which  is  wrong  and  destructive,  by 
bravado  and  threatening — by  refusing  to  look  it  in  the 
face,  or  to  allow  others  to  scrutinize  it.  Error  must 
pass  away.  Truth,  however  unpalatable,  or  however 
it  may  be  obscured  for  a  season,  must  eventually  tri 
umph.  The  very  exertions  of  its  supporters  to  perpe 
tuate  wrong,  will  but  hasten  its  death. 

"  Truth,  crushed  to  earth,  will  rise  again ; 

Th'  eternal  years  of  God  are  hers  : 

But  Error,  wounded,  writhes  with  pain, 

And  dies  among  her  worshippers." 

Notwithstanding  the  course  Mr.  Adams  felt  himself 
compelled  to  pursue  led  him  frequently  into  collision 
with  a  large  portion  of  the  Members  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  and  caused  them  sometimes,  in  the 
heat  of  excitement,  to  forget  the  deference  due  his 
age,  his  experience,  and  commanding  abilities,  yet  there 
was  ever  a  deep,  under-current  feeling  of  veneration 
for  him,  pervading  all  hearts.  Those  who  were  ex 
cited  to  the  highest  pitch  of  frenzy  by  his  proceedings, 
could  not  but  admire  the  singleness  of  his  purpose,  and 
his  undaunted  courage  in  discharging  his  duties.  On 
all  subjects  aside  Jrom  slavery,  his  influence  in  the 
House  has  never  been  surpassed.  Whenever  he  arose 
to  speak,  it  was  a  signal  for  a  general  abandonment  of 
Ustlessness  and  inattention.  Members  dropped  their 


296  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

newspapers  and  pamphlets — knots  of  consulting  politi 
cians  in  different  parts  of  the  Hall  were  dissolved — • 
Representatives  came  hastily  in  from  lobbies,  com 
mittee-rooms,  the  surrounding  grounds — and  all  eagerly 
clustered  around  his  chair  to  listen  to  words  of  wis 
dom,  patriotism,  and  truth,  as  they  dropped  burning 
from  the  lips  of  "  the  old  man  eloquent !"  The  con 
fidence  placed  in  him  in  emergencies,  was  unbounded. 
A  case  in  point  is  afforded  in  the  history  of  the  diffi 
culty  occasioned  by  the  double  delegation  from  New 
Jersey. 

On  the  opening  of  the  26th  Congress,  in  December,  1839,  in 
consequence  of  a  two-fold  delegation  from  New-Jersey,  the  House 
was  unable,  for  some  time,  to  complete  its  organization,  and  pre 
sented  to  the  country  and  the  world  the  perilous  and  discreditable 
aspect  of  the  assembled  Representatives  of  the  people,  unable  to  form 
themselves  into  a  constitutional  body.  On  first  assembling,  the 
House  has  no  officers,  and  the  Clerk  of  the  preceding  Congress  acts, 
by  usage,  as  chairman  of  the  body,  till  a  Speaker  is  chosen.  On 
this  occasion,  after  reaching  the  State  of  New  Jersey,  the  acting 
Clerk  declined  to  proceed  in  calling  the  roll,  and  refused  to  enter 
tain  any  of  the  motions  which  were  made  for  the  purpose  of  extri 
cating  the  House  from  its  embarrassment.  Many  of  the  ablest  and 
most  judicious  members  had  addressed  the  House  in  vain,  and  there 
was  nothing  but  confusion  and  disorder  in  prospect. 

The  fourth  day  opened,  and  still  confusion  was  triumphant. 
But  the  hour  of  disenthrallment  was  at  hand,  and  a  scene  was 
presented  which  sent  the  mind  back  to  those  days  when  Cromwell 
uttered  the  exclamation — "  Sir  Harry  Vane  !  wo  unto  you,  Sir  Harry 
Vane  !" — and  in  an  instant  dispersed  the  famous  Rump  Parliament. 

Mr.  Adams,  from  the  opening  of  this  scene  of  confusion  and 
anarchy,  had  maintained  a  profound  silence.  He  appeared  to  be 
engaged  most  of  the  time  in  writing.  To  a  common  observer,  he 
seemed  to  be  reckless  of  everything  around  him — but  nothing,  not 
the  slightest  incident,  escaped  him.  The  fourth  day  of  the  struggle 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  297 

had  now  commenced  ;  Mr.  Hugh  H.  Garland,  the  Clerk,  was  directed 
to  call  the  roll  again. 

He  commenced  with  Maine,  as  was  usual  in  those  days,  and  was 
proceeding  toward  Massachusetts.  I  turned,  and  saw  that  Mr. 
Adams  was  ready  to  get  the  floor  at  the  earliest  moment  possible. 
His  keen  eye  was  riveted  on  the  Clerk  ;  his  hands  clasped  the  front 
edge  of  his  desk,  where  he  always  placed  them  to  assist  him  in 
rising.  He  looked,  in  the  language  of  Otway,  like  the 


fowler,  eager  for  his  prejv 


"  New  Jersey  !"  ejaculated  Mr.  Hugh  H.  Garland,  "  and  the 
Clerk  has  to  repeat  that  — 

Mr.  Adams  sprang  to  the  floor  ! 

"  I  rise  to  interrupt  the  Clerk,"  was  his  first  ejaculation. 

"  Silence,  silence,"  resounded  through  the  hall  ;  "  hear  him,  heal 
him  !  Here  what  he  has  to  say ;  hear  John  Quincy  Adams  !"  was 
the  unanimous  ejaculation  on  all  sides. 

In  an  instant,  the  most  profound  silence  reigned  throughout  the 
Hall — you  might  have  heard  a  leaf  of  paper  fall  in  any  part  of  it — 
and  every  eye  was  riveted  on  the  venerable  Nestor  of  Massachusetts 
— the  purest  of  statesmen,  and  the  noblest  of  men  !  He  paused  for 
a  moment ;  and,  having  given  Mr.  Garland  a 


•withering  lookl" 


he  proceeded  to  address  the  multitude : 

"  It  was  not  my  intention,"  said  he,  "  to  take  any  part  in  these 
extraordinary  proceedings.  I  had  hoped  that  this  House  would  suc 
ceed  in  organizing  itself;  that  a  Speaker  and  Clerk  would  be 
elected,  and  that  the  ordinary  business  of  legislation  would  be  pro 
gressed  in.  This  is  not  the  time,  or  place,  to  discuss  the  merits  of 
the  conflicting  claimants  for  seats  from  New  Jersey ;  that  subject 
belongs  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  which,  by  the  constitution, 
is  made  the  ultimate  arbiter  of  the  qualifications  of  its  members. 
But  what  a  spectacle  we  here  present !  We  degrade  and  disgrace 
ourselves ;  we  degrade  and  disgrace  our  constituents  and  the 
country.  We  do  not,  and  cannot  organize ;  and  why  ?  Because 
the  Clerk  of  this  House,  the  mere  Clerk,  whom  we  create,  whom  we 
employ,  and  whose  existence  depends  upon  our  will,  usurps  the 
throne,  and  sets  us,  the  Representatives,  the  vicegerents  of  the  whole 


?  LIFE    OF    JOHN    CiUINCY    ADAMS. 

American  people,  at  defiance,  and  holds  us  in  contempt !  And  what 
is  this  Clerk  of  yours  ?  Is  he  to  control  the  destinies  of  sixteen 
millions  of  freemen  ?  Is  he  to  suspend,  hy  his  mere  negative,  the 
functions  of  Government,  and  put  an  end  to  this  Congress  ?  He  re 
fuses  to  call  the  roll  !  It  is  in  your  power  to  compel  him  to  call  ir, 
if  he  will  not  do  it  voluntarily.  [Here  he  was  interrupted  hy  a 
memher,  who  said  that  he  was  authorized  to  say  that  compulsion 
could  not  reach  the  Clerk,  who  had  avowed  that  he  would  resign, 

D      * 

rather  than  call  the  State  of  New  Jersey.]  Well,  sir,  then  let  him 
resign,"  continued  Mr.  Adams,  "  and  wre  may  possibly  discover  some 
way  by  which  we  can  get  along,  without  the  aid  of  his  all-powerful 
talent,  learning  and  genius.  If  we  cannot  organize  in  any  other 
way — if  this  Clerk  of  yours  will  not  consent  to  our  discharging  the 
trusts  confided  to  us  by  our  constituents,  then  let  us  imitate  the  ex 
ample  of  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses,  which,  when  the  colonial 
Governor  Dinwiddie  ordered  it  to  disperse,  refused  to  obey  the  im 
perious  and  insulting  mandate,  and,  like  men  — 

The  multitude  could  not  contain  or  repress  their  enthusiasm  any 
longer,  but  saluted  the  eloquent  and  indignant  speaker,  and  intercept 
ed  him  with  loud  and  deafening  cheers,  which  seemed  to  shake  the 
capitol  to  its  centre.  The  very  Genii  of  applause  and  enthusiasm 
seemed  to  float  in  the  atmosphere  of  the  Hall,  and  every  heart  ex 
panded  with  an  indescribable  feeling  of  pride  and  exultation.  The 
turmoil,  the  darkness,  the  very  "  chaos  of  anarchy,"  which  had,  for 
three  successive  days,  pervaded  the  American  Congress,  was  dis 
pelled  by  the  magic,  the  talismanic  eloquence  of  a  single  man  ;  and, 
once  more  the  wheels  of  Government  and  of  Legislation  were  put 
in  motion.* 

Having,  by  this  powerful  appeal,  brought  the  yet  unorganized  as 
sembly  to  a  perception  of  its  hazardous  position,  he  submitted  a  mo 
tion  requiring  the  acting  Clerk  to  proceed  in  calling  the  roll.  This 
and  similar  motions  had  already  been  made  by  other  members.  The 
difficulty  was,  that  the  acting  Clerk  declined  to  entertain  them.  Ac 
cordingly,  Mr.  Adams  was  immediately  interrupted  by  a  burst  of 
voices  demanding,  "  How  shall  the  question  be  put?"  "  Who  will 
put  the  question  ?"  The  voice  of  Mr.  Adams  was  heard  above  the 
tumult,  "  I  intend  to  put  the  question  myself !"  That  word  brought 
order  out  of  chaos.  There  was  the  master  mind. 

*  Reminiscences — by  an  Old  Colony  Man. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    ClUINCY    ADAMS.  299 

As  soon  as  the  multitude  had  recovered  itself,  and  the  excitement 
of  irrepressible  enthusiasm  had  abated,  Mr.  Richard  Barmvell  Rhett, 
of  South  Carolina,  leaped  upon  one  of  the  desks,  waved  his  hand, 
and  exclaimed : 

"  I  move  that  the  Honorable  John  Quincy  Adams  take  the  chair 
of  the  Speaker  of  this  House,  and  officiate  as  presiding  officer,  till 
the  House  be  organized  by  the  election  of  its  constitutional  officers  ! 
As  many  as  are  agreed  to  this  will  say  ay ;  those " 

He  had  not  an  opportunity  to  complete  the  sentence — "  those  who 
are  not  agreed,  will  say  ?io," — for  one  universal,  deafening,  thunder 
ing  ay,  responded  to  the  nomination. 

Hereupon,  it  was  moved  and  ordered  that  Lewis  Williams,  of 
North  Carolina,  and  Richard  Barn  well  Rhett,  conduct  John  Quincy 
Adams  to  the  chair. 

Well  did  Mr.  Wise,  of  Virginia,  say,  "  Sir,  I  regard  it  as  the 
proudest  hour  of  your  life ;  and  if,  when  you  shall  be  gathered  to 
vour  fathers,  I  were  asked  to  select  the  words  which,  in  my  judg 
ment,  are  best  calculated  to  give  at  once  the  character  of  the  man, 
I  would  inscribe  upon  your  tomb  this  sentence,  '  I  will  put  the  ques 
tion  myself.'  "* 

*  In  a  public  address,  Mr.  Adams  once  quoted  the  well  known  words 
of  Tacitus,  Annal.  vi.  39 — "  Par  negotiis  neque  supra" — applying  them 
to  a  distinguished  man,  lately  deceased.  A  lady  wrote  to  inquire 
whence  they  came.  Mr.  Adams  informed  her,  and  added,  that  they 
could  not  be  adequately  translated  in  less  than  seven  words  in  English 
The  lady  replied  that  they  might  be  well  translated  in  five — Equal  to, 
not  abate,  duty — but  better  in  three — JOHN  Q.UINCY  ADAMS. — Massa 
chusetts  Quarterly  Review. 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

MR.  ADAMS'     FIRMNESS  IN  DISCHARGE  OF  DUTY — HIS   EXER 
TIONS    IN  BEHALF  OF  THE  AMISTAD  SLAVES HIS  CONNEXION 

WITH    THE    SMITHSONIAN    BEQUEST TOUR    THROUGH  CANADA 

AND    NEW     YORK HIS     RECEPTION     AT     BUFFALO  —  VISITS 

NIAGARA  FALLS ATTENDS    WORSHIP    WITH    THE    TUSCARORA 

INDIANS HIS    RECEPTION    AT    ROCHESTER AT  AUBURN AT 

ALBANY AT     PITTSFIELD VISITS     CINCINNATI ASSISTS     IN 

LAYING    THE    CORNER    STONE    OF    AN    OBSERVATORY. 

IT  would  be  impossible,  in  the  limit  prescribed  to 
these  pages,  to  detail  the  numerous  scenes  and  occur 
rences  of  a  momentous  nature,  in  which  Mr.  Adams 
took  a  prominent  part  during  his  services  in  the  House 
of  Representatives.  The  path  he  marked  out  for  him 
self  at  the  commencement  of  his  congressional  career, 
was  pursued  with  unfaltering  fidelity  to  the  close  of 
life.  His  was  the  rare  honor  of  devoting  himself,  un 
reservedly,  to  his  legitimate  duties  as  a  Representative 
of  the  people  while  in  Congress,  and  to  nothing  else. 
He  believed  the  halls  of  the  Capitol  were  no  place  for 
political  intrigue  ;  and  that  a  member  of  Congress,  in 
stead  of  studying  to  shape  his  course  to  make  political 
capital  or  to  subserve  party  ends,  should  devote  him 
self  rigidly  and  solely  to  the  interests  of  his  constitu- 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS.  301 

ents.  His  practice  corresponded  with  his  theory.  His 
speeches,  his  votes,  his  entire  labors  in  Congress,  were 
confined  strictly  to  practical  subjects,  vitally  connected 
with  the  great  interests  of  our  common  country,  and 
had  no  political  or  party  bearing,  other  than  such  as 
truth  and  public  good  might  possess. 

His  hostility  to  slavery  and  the  assumptions  and 
usurpations  of  slave  power  in  the  councils  of  the  nation, 
continued  to  the  day  of  his  death.  At  the  commence 
ment  of  each  session  of  Congress,  he  demanded  that 
the  infamous  "gag 'rule,"  which  forbid  the  presentation 
of  petitions  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  should  be  abol 
ished.  But  despite  its  continuance,  he  persisted  in 
handing  in  petitions  from  the  people  of  every  class, 
complexion  and  condition.  He  did  not  hesitate  to  lay 
before  the  House  of  Representatives  a  petition  from 
Haverhill,  Mass.,  for  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  ! 
Although  opposed  in  his  whole  soul  to  the  prayer  of 
the  petitioners,  yet  he  believed  himself  sacredly  bound 
to  listen  with  due  respect  to  every  request  of  the  peo 
ple,  when  couched  in  respectful  terms. 

In  vain  did  the  supporters  of  slavery  endeavor  to 
arrest  his  course,  and  to  seal  his  lips  in  silence.  In 
vain  did  they  threaten  assassination — expulsion  from 
the  House — indictment  before  the  grand  jury  of  the 
District  of  Columbia.  In  vain  did  they  declare  that  he 
should  **  be  made  amenable  to  another  tribunal,  [mob- 
law]  and  as  an  incendiary,  be  brought  to  condign  pun 
ishment."  "  My  life  on  it,"  said  a  southern  member 
M* 


302  LIFE    OF    JOHN    UUINCY    ADAMS. 

"if  he  presents  that  petition  from  slaves,  we  shall  ye; 
see  him  within  the  walls  of  the  penitentiary."  All 
these  attempts  at  brow-beating  moved  him  not  a  tittle. 
Firm  he  stood  to  his  duty,  despite  the  storms  of  angry 
passion  which  howled  around  him,  and  with  withering 
rebukes  repelled  the  assaults  of  hot-blooded  opponents 
as  the  proud  old  headland,  jutting  far  into  ocean's 
bosom,  tosses  high,  in  worthless  spray,  the  dark  moun 
tain  billows  which  in  wrath  beat  upon  it. 

"  Do  the  gentlemen  from  the  South,"  said  he,  "  think  they  car 
frighten  me  by  their  threats  ?  If  that  be  their  object,  let  me  tell 
them,  sir,  they  liaxe  mistaken  their  man.  I  am  not  to  be  frightened 
from  the  discharge  of  a  sacred  duty,  by  their  indignation,  by  their 
violence,  nor,  sir,  by  all  the  grand  juries  in  the  universe.  I  have 
done  only  my  duty ;  and  I  shall  do  it  again  under  the  same  circum 
stances,  even  though  they  recur  to-morrow." 

"  Though  aged,  he  was  so  iron  of  limb, 
None  of  the  youth  could  cope  with  him  ; 
And  the  foes  whom  he  singly  kept  at  bay, 
Outnumbered  his  thin  hairs  of  silver  grey." 

Nor  was  Mr.  Adams  without  encouragement  in  his 
trying  position.  His  immediate  constituents,  at  their 
primary  meetings,  repeatedly  sent  up  a  cheering  voice 
in  strong  and  earnest  resolutions,  approving  heartily 
his  course,  and  urging  him  to  perseverance  therein. 
The  Legislatures  of  Massachusetts  and  Vermont, 
rallied  to  his  support.  In  solemn  convocation  they 
protested  against  the  virtual  annihilation  of  the  right 
of  petition — against  slavery  and  the  slave  trade  in  the 
District  of  Columbia — gave  their  entire  sanction  to  the 
principles  advocated  by  Mr.  Adams,  and  pledged  their 


LIFE    OF    JOHN  QUINCY    ADAMS.  303 

countenance   to    all    measures   calculated   to    sustain 
them. 

Large  bodies  of  people  in  the  Eastern,  Northern, 
and  Middle  States,  sympathized  with  him  in  his  sup 
port  of  the  most  sacred  of  privileges  bestowed  on  man 
Representative  after  Representative  were  sent  to  Con 
gress,  who  gathered  around  him,  and  co-operated  with 
him  in  his  holy  \varfare  against  the  iron  rule  which 
slavery  had  been  enabled  to  establish  in  the  national 
Legislature.  With  renewed  energy  he  resisted  the 
mighty  current  which  was  undermining  the  founda 
tions  of  the  Republic,  and  bearing  away  upon  its  turbid 
waters  the  liberties  of  the  people.  And  he  resisted 
not  in  vain. 

The  brave  old  man  lived  to  see  his  labors,  in  this 
department  of  duty,  crowned  with  abundant  success. 
One  after  another  the  cohorts  of  slavery  gave  way 
before  the  incessant  assaults,  the  unwearied  persever 
ance,  of  Mr.  Adams,  and  the  faithful  compeers  who 
were  sent  by  the  people  to  his  support.  At  length,  in 
1845,  the  obnoxious  "gag  rule''  was  rescinded,  and 
Congress  consented  to  receive,  and  treat  respectfully, 
all  petitions  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  This  was  a 
moral  triumph  which  amply  compensated  Mr.  Adams 
for  all  the  labors  he  had  put  forth,  and  for  aTA  the 
trials  he  had  endured  to  achieve  it. 

Yes ;  he  "  lived  to  hear  that  subject  which  of  all  others  had  been 
forbidden  an  entrance  into  the  Halls  of  Congress,  fairly  broached. 
He  lived  to  listen,  with  a  delight  all  his  own,  to  a  high-souled,  whole- 


304  LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS. 

hearted  speech  on  the  slave  question,  from  his  colleague,  Mr.  Pal 
frey  — a  speech,  of  which  it  is  not  too  high  praise  to  say,  that  il 
would  not  have  disparaged  the  exalted  reputation  of  Mr.  Adams. 
had  he  made  it  himself.  Aye,  more,  he  lived  to  see  the  whole 
House  of  Representatives — the  members  from  the  South,  not  less 
than  those  from  the  North,  attentive  and  respectful  listeners  to  that 
speech  of  an  hour's  length,  on  the  political  as  well  as  moral  aspect 
of  slavery  in  this  Republic.  What  a  triumph !  At  the  close  of 
it,  the  moral  conqueror  exclaimed,  '  God  be  praised  ;  the  seals  are 
broken,  the  door  is  open.'  "* 

If  anything  were  wanting  to  crown  the  fame  of  Mr. 
Adams,  in  the  last  days  of  life,  with  imperishable  honor, 
or  to  add,  if  possible,  new  brilliancy  to  the  beams  of 
his  setting  sun,  it  is  found  in  his  advocacy  of  the  free 
dom  of  the  Amistad  slaves. 

A  ship-load  of  negroes  had  been  stolen  from  Africa, 
contrary  to  the  law  of  nations,  of  humanity  and  of 
God,  and  surreptitiously  smuggled,  in  the  night,  into 
the  Island  of  Cuba.  This  act  was  piracy,  according  to 
the  law  of  Spain,  and  of  all  Governments  in  Christen 
dom,  and  the  perpetrators  thereof,  had  they  been  de 
tected,  would  have  been  punished  with  death.  Imme 
diately  after  the  landing  of  these  unfortunate  Africans, 
about  thirty-six  of  them  were  purchased  of  the  slave- 
pirates,  by  two  Spaniards  named  Don  Jose  Ruiz  and 
Don  Pedro  Montes,  who  shipped  them  for  Guanaja, 
Cuba,  in  the  schooner  "  Amistad.'"  When  three  days 
out  from  Havana,  the  Africans  rose,  killed  the  captain 
and  crew,  and  took  possession  of  the  vessel — sparing 
the  lives  of  their  purchasers,  Ruiz  and  Montes.  This 

*  Rev.  S.  J.  May. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  305 

transaction  was  unquestionably  justifiable  on  the  part 
of  the  negroes.  They  had  been  stolen  from  their 
native  land — had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  pirates  and 
robbers,  and  reduced  to  abject  slavery.  According  to 
the  first  law  of  nature — the  law  of  self-defence — im 
planted  in  the  bosom  of  every  human  being  by  the 
Creator,  they  were  justified  in  taking  any  measures 
necessary  to  restore  them  to  the  enjoyment  of  that 
freedom  which  was  theirs  by  birthright. 

The  negroes  being  unable  to  manage  the  schooner, 
compelled  Ruiz  and  Montes  to  navigate  her,  and 
directed  them  to  shape  her  course  for  Africa;  for  it 
was  their  design  to  return  to  their  native  land.  But 
they  were  deceived  by  the  two  Spaniards,  who  brought 
the  schooner  to  the  coast  of  the  United  States,  where 
she  was  taken  possession  of  by  Lieut.  Gedney,  of  the 
U.  S.  surveying  brig  Washington,  a  few  miles  offMon- 
tauk  Point,  and  brought  into  New  London,  Conn.  The 
two  Spaniards  claimed  the  Africans  as  their  property  ; 
and  the  Spanish  Minister  demanded  of  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  that  they  be  delivered  up  to  the 
proper  authorities,  and  taken  back  to  Havana,  to  be 
tried  for  piracy  and  murder.  The  matter  was  brought 
before  the  District  Court  of  Connecticut. 

In  the  mean  time  President  Van  Buren  ordered  the; 
U.  S.  schooner  Grampus,  Lieut.  John  S.  Paine,  to 
repair  to  New  Haven,  to  be  in  readiness  to  convey 
the  Africans  to  Havana,  should  such  be  the  decision 
of  tne  Court.  But  the  Court  decided  that  the  Govern- 


306  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

ment  of  the  United  States  had  no  authority  to  return 
them  into  slavery  ;  and  directed  that  they  be  conveyed 
in  one  of  our  public  ships  to  the  shores  of  Africa,  from 
whence  they  had  but  recently  been  torn  away.  From 
this  decision  the  U.  S.  District  Attorney  appealed  to 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 

These  transactions  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
whole  people  of  the  Union,  and  naturally  excited  the 
sympathy  of  the  masses,  pro  and  con,  as  they  wei 
favorable  or  unfavorable  to  the  institution  of  slavery. 
Who  should  defend,  in  the  Supreme  Court,  these  poor 
outcasts — ignorant,  degraded,  wretched — who,  fired 
with  a  noble  energy,  had  burst  the  shackles  of  slavery, 
and  by  a  wave  of  fortune  had  been  thrown  into  the 
midst  of  a  people  professing  freedom,  yet  keeping  their 
feet  on  the  necks  of  millions  of  slaves?  The  eyes  of 
all  the  friends  of  human  rights  turned  instinctively  to 
JOHN  QUINCY^  ADAMS.  Nor  were  their  expectations 
disappointed.  Without  hesitation  he  espoused  the 
cause  of  the  Amistad  negroes.  At  the  age  of  seventy- 
four,  he  appeared  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States  to  advocate  their  cause.  He  entered  upon  this 
labor  with  the  enthusiasm  of  a  youthful  barrister,  and 
displayed  forensic  talents,  a  critical  knowledge  of  law, 
and  of  the  inalienable  rights  of  man,  which  would  have 
added  to  the  renown  of  the  most  eminent  jurists  of 
the  day. 

'*  When  he  went  to  the  Supreme  Court,  after  an 
absence  of  thirty  years,  and  arose  to  defend  a  body  of 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  307 

riendless  negroes,  torn  from  their  home  and  most  un 
justly  held  in  thrall — when  he  asked  the  Judges  to 
excuse  him  at  once  both  for  the  trembling  faults  of  age 
and  the  inexperience  of  youth,  having  labored  so  long 
elsewhere  that  he  had  forgotten  the  rules  of  court — 
when  he  summed  up  the  conclusion  of  the  whole  mat 
ter,  and  brought  before  those  judicial  but  yet  moisten 
ing  eyes,  the  great  men  whom  he  had  once  met  there — 
Chase,  Gushing,  Martin,  Livingston,  and  Marshal  him 
self;  and  while  he  remembered  that  they  were  'fjone, 
gone,  all  gone/  remembered  also  the  eternal  Justice 
that  is  never  gone — the  sight  was  sublime.  It  was 
not  an  old  patrician  of  Rome,  who  had  been  Consul, 
Dictator,  coming  out  of  his  honored  retirement  at  the 
Senate's  call,  to  stand  in  the  Forum  to  levy  new 
armies,  marshal  them  to  victory  afresh,  and  gain 
thereby  new  laurels  for  his  brow  ;  but  it  was  a  plain 
citizen  of  America,  who  had  held  an  office  far  greater 
than  that  of  Consul,  King,  or  Dictator,  his  hand  red 
dened  by  no  man's  blood,  expecting  no  honors,  but 
coming  in  the  name  of  justice,  to  plead  for  the  slave, 
for  the  poor  barbarian  negro  of  Africa,  for  Cinque  and 
Grabbo,  for  their  deeds  comparing  them  to  Harmodius 
and  Aristogeiton,  whose  classic  memory  made  each 
bosom  thrill.  That  was  worth  all  his  honors — it  was 
worth  while  to  live  fourscore  years  for  that."* 

This  effort  of  Mr.  Adams  was  crowned  with  com 
plete  success.     The  Supreme  Court  decided  that  the 

*  Theodore  Parker. 


308  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

Africans  were  entitled  to  their  freedom,  and  ordered 
them  to  be  liberated.  In  due  time  they  were  enabled, 
by  the  assistance  of  the  charitable,  to  sail  for  Africa, 
and  take  with  them  many  of  the  implements  of  civil 
ized  life.  They  arrived  in  safety  at  Sierre  Leone,  and 
were  allowed  once  more  to  mingle  with  their  friends, 
and  enjoy  God's  gift  of  freedom,  in  a  Pagan  land — 
having  fortunately  escaped  from  a  cruel  and  life-long 
bondage,  in  the  midst  of  a  Christian  people. 

In  reply  to  a  letter  requesting  Mr.  Adams  to  write 
out  his  argument  in  this  case,  he  concludes  as  follows  : 
"  I  shall  endeavor,  as  you  desire,  to  write  out,  in  full 
extent,  my  argument  before  the  Court,  in  which  all 
this  was  noticed  and  commented  upon.  If  it  has'  no 
other  effect,  I  hope  it  will  at  least  have  that  of  admon 
ishing  the  free  people  of  this  Union  to  keep  perpetually 
watchful  eyes  upon  every  act  of  their  executive  ad 
ministration,  having  any  relation  to  the  subject  of 
slavery." 

In  availing  the  country  of  the  benefit  of  the  "  Smith 
sonian  Bequest,"  and  in  founding  the  "  Smithsonian  In 
stitute"  at  Washington,  Mr.  Adams  took  an  active  part. 
He  repeatedly  called  the  attention  of  Congress  to  the 
subject,  until  he  succeeded  in  causing  a  bill  to  be 
passed  providing  for  the  establishment  of  the  Institute. 
He  was  appointed  one  of  the  Regents  of  the  Institute, 
which  office  he  held  until  his  death. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  309 

In  the  summer  of  1843,  Mr.  Adams  visited  'Lebanon 
Springs,  N.  Y.,  for  the  benefit  of  his  health,  which  had 
become  somewhat  impaired,  and  also  the  health  of  a 
cherished  member  of  his  family.  He  designed  to 
devote  only  four  or  five  days  to  this  journey  ;  but  he 
was  so  highly  pleased  with  the  small  portion  of  the 
State  of  New7  York  he  saw  at  Lebanon  Springs,  that 
he  was  induced  to  proceed  further.  He  visited  Sara 
toga,  Lake  George,  -  Lower  Canada,  Montreal  and 
Quebec.  Returning,  he  ascended  the  St.  Lawrence 
and  the  Lakes  as  far  as  Niagara  Falls  and  Buffalo, 
and  by  the  way  of  Rochester,  Auburn,  Utica  and 
Albany,  sought  his  home  in  Quincy  with  health  greatly 
improved. 

Although  Mr.  Adams  had  many  bitter  enemies— 
made  so  by  his  fearless  independence,  and  the  stern 
integrity  with  which  he  discharged  the  public  duties 
entrusted  to  him — yet  in  the  hearts  of  the  people  he 
ever  occupied  the  highest  position.  They  not  only 
respected  and  admired  the  politician,  the  statesman, 
but  they  venerated  the  MAN  !  they  loved  him  for  his 
purity,  his  philanthropy,  his  disinterested  patriotism, 
his  devotion  to  freedom  and  human  rights.  All  this 
was  manifested  during  his  tour  through  New  York. 
It  was  marked  in  its  whole  extent  by  demonstrations 
of  the  highest  attention  and  respect  from  people  of 
all  parties.  Public  greetings,  processions,  celeb^uons, 
met  him  and  accompanied  him  at  every  step  •*  his 
journey.  Never  since  the  vid>  **£  !<a  Fayet**\  **ad 


310  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

.  such  an  anxious  desire  to  honor  a  great  and  good  man 
been  manifested  by  the  entire  mass  of  the  people. 
His  progress  was  one  continued  triumphal  procession, 
"I  may  say,"  exclaimed  Mr.  Adams,  near  the  close  of 
his  tour,  "without  being  charged  with  pride  or  vanity, 
I  have  come  not  alone,  for  the  whole  people  of  th<j 
State  of  New  York  have  been  my  companions  !" 

At  Buffalo  he  was  received  with  every  possible 
demonstration  of  respect.  The  national  ensign  was 
streaming  from  an  hundred  masts,  and  the  wharves, 
and  the  decks  and  rigging  of  the  vessels,  were  crowded 
by  thousands  anxious  to  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  re 
nowned  statesman  and  patriot,  who  was  greeted  by 
repeated  cheers.  Hon.  Millard  Fillmore  addressed 
him  with  great  eloquence.  The  following  is  the  con 
clusion  of  his  speech  : — 

"You  see  around  you,  sir,  no  political  partisans  seeking  to  pro 
mote  some  sinister  purpose ;  but  you  see  here  assembled  the  people 
of  our  infant  city,  without  distinction  of  party,  sex,  age,  or  con 
dition — all,  all  anxiously  vicing  with  each  other  to  show  their 
respect  and  esteem  for  your  public  services  and  private  worth. 
Here  are  gathered,  in  this  vast  multitude  of  what  must  appear  to 
you  strange  faces,  thousands  whose  hearts  have  vibrated  to  tin; 
chord  of  sympathy  which  your  written  speeches  have  touched. 
Here  is  reflecting  age,  and  ardent  youth,  and  lisping  childhood,  to 
all  of  whom  your  venerated  name  is  as  dear  as  household  words  — 
all  anxious  to  feast  their  eyes  by  a  sight  of  that  extraordinary  and 
venerable  man,  of  whom  they  have  heard,  and  read,  and  thought  so 
much — all  anxious  to  hear  the  voice  of  that '  old  man  eloquent?  on 
whose  lips  wisdom  has  distilled  her  choicest  nectar.  Here,  sir,  you 
aee  them  all,  and  read  in  their  eager  and  joy-gladdened  countenances, 
and  brightly-beaming  eyes,  a  welcome — a  thrice-told,  heart-felt, 
soul-stirring  welcome  to  '  the  man  whom  they  deiight  to  honor.'  " 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    ClTJINCY    ADAMS.  311 

Mr.  Adams  responded  to  this  speech  in  a  strain 
of  most  interesting  remarks.  He  commenced  as 
follows : — 


"  I  must  request  your  indulgence  for  a  moment's  pause  to  take 
breath.  If  you  inquire  why  I  ask  this  indulgence,  it  is  because 
I  am  so  overpowered  by  the  eloquence  of  my  friend,  the  chairman 
of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  (whom  I  have  been  so  long 
accustomed  to  refer  to  in  that  capacity,  that,  with  your  permission.  I 
will  continue  so  to  denominate  him  now,)  that  I  have  no  words  left  to 
answer  him.  For  so  liberal  has  he  been  in  bestowing  that  eloquence 
upon  me  which  he  himself  possesses  in  so  eminent  a  degree,  that 
while  he  was  ascribing  to  me  talents  so  far  above  my  own  con 
sciousness  in  that  regard,  I  was  all  the  time  imploring  the  god  of 
eloquence  to  give  me,  at  least  at  this  moment,  a  few  words  to  justify 
him  before  you  in  making  that  splendid  panegyric  which  he  has 
been  pleased  to  bestow  upon  me ;  and  that  the  flattering  picture 
which  he  has  presented  to  you,  may  not  immediately  be  defaced 
before  your  eyes  by  what  you  should  hear  from  me.  ****** 

In  concluding  his  remarks  he  said  : — "  Of  your  attachment  to 
moral  principle  I  have  this  day  had  another  and  pleasing  proof  in 
the  dinner  of  which  I  have  partaken  in  the  steamer,  in  which,  by 
your  kindness,  I  have  been  conveyed  to  this  place.  It  was  a  sump 
tuous  dinner,  but  at  which  temperance  was  the  presiding  power, 
congratulate  you  on  the  evidence  there  exhibited  of  your  attach 
ment  to  moral  principle,  in  your  co-operation  in  that  great  move 
ment  which  is  promoting  the  happiness  and  elevation  of  man  in 
every  quarter  of  the  globe. 

"  And  here  you  will  permit  me  to  allude  to  an  incident  which  has 
occurred  in  my.  recent  visit  to  Canada,  in  which  I  perceived  the  co 
operation  of  the  people  of  that  Province  in  the  same  great  moral 
reformation.  While  at  Quebec,  I  visited  the  falls  of  Montmorenci, 
a  cataract  which,  but  for  yours,  would  be  among  the  greatest  won 
ders  of  nature.  In  going  to  it,  I  passed  through  the  parish  of  Beau- 
port,  and  there,  by  the  side  of  the  way,  I  saw  a  column  with  an  in 
scription  upon  its  pedestal,  which  I  had  the  curiosity  to  stop  and 
read.  It  was  erected  by  the  people  of  Beauport  in  gratitude  to  the 
Vj-gin,  for  her  goodness  in  promoting  the  cause  of  temperance  in 


312  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

that  parish.  Perhaps  I  do  not  sufficiently  sympathize  with  the 
people  of  JBeauport  in  attributing  to  the  Virgin  so  direct  an  influence 
upon  this  moral  reform ;  but  in  the  spirit  with  which  they  erected 
that  monument  I  do  most  cordially  sympathize  wiih  them.  For 
under  whatever  influence  the  cause  may  bo  promoted,  the  cause 
itself  can  never  fail  to  make  its  votaries  wiser  and  better  men.  ] 
cannot  make  a  speech.  My  heart  is  too  full,  and  my  voice  toe 
feeble.  Farewell !  And  with  that  farewell,  may  the  blessings  of 
heaven  be  upon  you  throughout  your  lives !" 

Mr.  Adams  was  greatly  delighted  with  his  visit  tc 
Niagara  Falls.     A  letter- writer  thus  describes  it : — 


-- 


"  Mr.  Adams  seems  incapable  of  fatigue,  either  physical  or  mental, 
After  a  drive  in  the  morning  to  Lewiston,  he  stopped,  on  his  returr 
to  the  Falls,  at  the  whirlpool.  The  descent  to  the  water's  edge 
which  is  not  often  made,  is,  as  you  will  remember,  all  but  vertical, 
down  a  steep  of  some  three  hundred  and  sixty  feet.  One  of  the 
party  was  about  going  down,  when  Mr.  Adams  remarked  that  he 
would  accompany  him.  Gen.  Porter  and  the  other  gentlemen 
present  remonstrated,  and  told  him  it  was  a  very  severe  under 
taking  for  a  young  and  hearty  man,  and  that  he  would  find  it,  in 
such  a  hot  day,  quite  impracticable.  He  seemed,  however,  to  know 
his  capacities ;  and  this  old  man,  verging  on  four  score  years,  not 
only  made  the  descent,  but  clambered  over  almost  impracticable 
rocks  along  the  margin  of  the  river,  to  obtain  the  various  views  pre 
sented  at  different  points.  The  return  was  not  easy,  but  he  was 
quite  adequate  to  the  labor  ;  and  after  resting  a  few  minutes  at  the 
summit,  resumed  his  ride,  full  of  spirits  and  of  animated  and  in 
structive  conversation.  After  dinner,  he  crossed  over  to  Goat 
Island,  and  beheld  the  cataract  from  the  various  points,  and  con 
tinued  his  explorations  until  all  was  obscured  by  darkness.  He 
seemed  greatly  impressed  by  the  wonderful  contrast  presented  by 
the  scene  of  rage  and  repose — of  the  wild  and  furious  dashing  of 
the  mighty  river  down  the  rapids,  with  its  mad  plunge  over  the 
precipice — and  the  sullen  stillness  of  the  abyss  of  waters  below. 
I  wish  I  could  repeat  to  you  his  striking  conversation  during  these 
rambles,  replete  with  brilliant  classical  allusions,  historical  illustra 
tions,  and  the  most  minute,  and  as  it  seemed  to  me,  universal  infor- 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    ClUlXCV    ADAMS.  313 

mation.  ******  I  sincerely  concur  with  the  worthy  captain  of 
one  of  our  steamboats,  who  said  to  me  the  other  day, — *  Oh,  that  we 
could  take  the  engine  out  of  the  old  "  Adams,"  and  put  it  into  a  new 
hull!'" 

During  his  visit  at  the  Falls,  Mr.  Adams,  on  a  Sab 
bath  morning,  accompanied  by  Gen.  Porter,  visited  the 
remnant  of  the  Tuscarora  Indians,  and  attended  di 
vine  service  in  their  midst.  At  the  conclusion  of  the 
sermon,  Mr.  Adams  made  a  brief  address  to  the  Indians, 
which  is  thus  described  by  the  letter-writer  alluded  to 
above : — 

"  Mr.  Adams  alluded  to  his  advanced  age,  and  said  this  was  the 
first  time  he  had  ever  looked  upon  their  beautiful  fields  and  forests 
— that  he  was  truly  happy  to  meet  them  there  and  join  with  them  in 
the  worship  of  our  common  Parent — reminded  them  that  in  years 
past  he  had  addressed  them  from  the  position  which  he  then  occu 
pied,  in  language,  at  once  that  of  his  station  and  his  heart,  as  '  his 
children' — and  that  now,  as  a  private  citizen,  he  hailed  them  in  terms 
of  equal  warmth  and  endearment,  as  his  '  brethren  and  sisters.' 
He  alluded,  with  a  simple  eloquence  which  seemed  to  move  the 
Indians  much,  to  the  equal  care  and  love  with  which  God  regards 
all  his  children,  whether  savage  or  civilized,  and  to  the  common 
destiny  which  awaits  them  hereafter,  however  various  their  lot  here. 
He  touched  briefly  and  forcibly  on  the  topics  of  the  sermon  which 
they  had  heard,  and  concluded  with  a  beautiful  and  touching  ben 
ediction  upon  them." 

At  Rochester  immense  multitudes  assembled  to  re 
ceive  Mr.  Adams.  He  was  welcomed  in  an  eloquent 
address  from  the  Mayor  of  the  city.  The  following 
are  a  fewr  extracts  from  the  reply  of  Mr.  Adams  : — 

"  Mr.  Mayor  and  Fellow-citizens  : — I  fear  you  expect  from  me  a 
speech.  If  it  were  in  my  power,  oppressed  as  I  am  with  mingled 


314  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

astonishment  and  gratitude  at  what  I  have  experienced  and  now  sen 
of  your  kindness,  to  make  a  speech,  I  would  gratify  you  with  one 
adorned  with  all  the  chaste  yet  simple  eloquence  which  are  com 
bined  in  the  address  to  which  you  have  just  listened  from  your  worthy 
Mayor.  But  it  is  not  in  my  power.  You  may  probably  think  then; 
is  some  affectation  on  my  part,  in  pretending  inability  to  address 
you,  knowing  as  many  of  you  do,  that  I  have  often  addressed  as 
semblies  like  this.  But  I  hope  for  greater  indulgence  from  yoi. 
than  this.  I  trust  you  will  consider  that  I  have  seen  and  spoken  to 
multitudes  like  that  now  before  me,  but  that  these  multitudes  hat 
frowning  faces.  Those  I  could  meet,  and  to  those  I  could  speak 
But  to  you,  whose  every  face  is  expressive  of  generous  affection — 
to  you,  in  whose  every  countenance  I  see  kindness  and  friendship — 
I  cannot  speak.  It  is  too  much  for  me.  It  overcomes  my  power* 
of  speech.  It  is  a  new  scene  to  me.  ****** 

"  Amongst  the  sentiments  which  I  have  expressed,  and  the  obser 
vations  which  I  have  made  during  my  brief  tour  through  this  portion 
of  your  State,  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  forego  a  constant  com 
parison  with  what  New  York  was  in  other  days,  and  what  it  is 
no\v.  I  first  set  my  feet  upon  the  soil  of  the  now  Empire  State,  in 
1785.  I  then  visited  the  city  of  New  York, — at  that  time  a  town 
of  18,000  inhabitants.  I  tarried,  while  in  that  city,  at  the  house  of 
John  Jay — a  man  whom  I  name,  and  whom  all  will  remember,  as 
one  of  the  most  illustrious  of  the  distinguished  patriots  who  carried 
our  beloved  country  through  the  dark  period  of  the  Revolution.  Mr. 
Jay,  the  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs,  under  the  Congress  of  the 
Federation,  was  laying  the  foundation  of  a  house  in  Broadway,  but 
which  was  separated  by  the  distance  of  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  any 
other  dwelling.  At  that  time,  being  eighteen  years  of  age,  I  received 
an  invitation  to  visit  western  New  York  ;  and  I  have  regretted 
often,  but  never  more  than  now,  that  I  had  not  accepted  that  invita 
tion.  Oh  !  what  would  I  not  have  given  to  have  seen  this  part  of 
this  great  State  then,  that  I  might  be  able  to  contrast  it  with  what  it 
now  is.  ***** 

"  It  has  seemed  to  me  as  if  in  this  region  the  God  of  nature  in 
tended  to  make  a  more  sublime  display  of  his  power,  than  in  any 
other  portion  of  the  world.  He  has  done  so  in  physical  nature — in 
:he  majestic  cataract,  whose  sound  you  can  almost  hear — in  forest 
and  in  field  — in  the  mind  of  man  among  you.  In  what  has  been 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCV    ADAMS.  315 

accomplished  to  make  your  city  what  it  is,  the  aged  have  done  the 
most.  The  middle  aged  may  say  we  will  improve  upon  what  has 
been  done ;  and  the  young,  we  shall  accomplish  still  more  than 
our  fathers.  That,  fellow-citizens,  was  the  boast  in  the  ancient 
Spartan  procession — a  procession  which  was  divided  into  three 
classes — the  old,  the  middle-aged,  and  the  young.  They  had  a 
saying  which  each  class  repeated  in  turn.  The  aged  said — 

'  We  have  been,  in  days  of  old,  " 

Wise  and  gentle,  brave  and  bold.' 

The  middle-aged  said — 

'  We,  in  turn,  your  place  supply ; 
Who  doubts  it,  let  them  come  and  try.' 

And  the  boys  said — 

« Hereafter,  at  our  country's  call, 
We  promise  to  surpass  you  all.' 

And  so  it  will  be  with  you — each  in  your  order." 

At  Auburn  every  possible  token  of  respect  was  paid 
to  the  venerable  statesman.  A  committee  consisting 
of  ex-Gov.  Seward,  Judge  Conklin,  Judge  Miller, 
Lurnan  Sherwood,  P.  H.  Perry,  S.  A.  Goodwin,  James 
C.  Wood,  and  J.  L.  Doty,  Esqs.,  proceeded  to  Canan- 
daigua  to  meet  Mr.  Adams.  At  half  past  nine  o'clock 
in  the  evening,  Mr.  Adams,  accompanied  by  the  com 
mittee,  arrived  in  Auburn.  He  was  received  by  a 
torch-light  procession,  composed  of  the  Auburn  Guards, 
the  Firemen,  and  an  immense  concourse  of  citizens, 
and  conducted  to  the  mansion  of  Gov.  Seward,  where 
he  thus  briefly  addressed  the  people  : — 

"  Fellow-citizens  : — Notwithstanding  the  glow  with  which  these 
brilliant  torch-lights  illuminate  my  welcome  among  you,  I  can  only 
acknowledge  your  kindness,  on  this  occasion,  by  assuring  you  that 


316  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

to-morrow  morning1,  by  the  light  of  the  blessed  sun,  I  hope  to  take 
every  one  of  you  by  the  hand,  and  express  feelings  too  strong  for 
immediate  utterance." 

On  the  following  morning  at  six  o'clock,  Mr.  Adams 
visited  the  State  Prison,  and  made  many  inquiries  con 
cerning  the  discipline  of  the  prison,  and  its  success  in 
the  prevention  of  crime  and  reformation  of  offenders. 
At  9  o'clock  he  met  the  citizens  in  the  First  Presby 
terian  church,  where  he  was  addressed  by  Gov. 
Seward,  as  follows  : — 

"  SIR  : — I  am  charged  with  the  very  honorable  and  most  agree 
able  duty,  of  expressing  to  you  the  reverence  and  affectionate 
esteem  of  my  fellow-citizens,  assembled  in  your  presence. 

"  A  change  has  come  over  the  spirit  of  your  journey,  since  your 
steps  have  turned  towards  your  ancestral  sea-side  home.  An  ex 
cursion  to  invigorate  health  impaired  by  labors,  too  arduous  for  age, 
in  the  public  councils,  and  expected  to  be  quiet  and  contemplative, 
has  become  one  of  fatigue  and  excitement.  Rumors  of  your  ad 
vance  escape  before  you,  and  a  happy  and  grateful  community  rise 
up  in  their  clustering  cities,  towns,  and  villages,  impede  your  way 
with  demonstrations  of  respect  and  kindness,  and  convert  your 
unpretending  journey  into  a  triumphal  progress.  Such  honors 
frequently  attend  public  functionaries,  and  such  an  one  may  some 
times  find  it  difficult  to  determine  how  much  of  the  homage  he  re 
ceives  is  paid  to  his  own  worth,  how  much  proceeds  from  the 
habitual  reverence  of  good  republican  citizens  to  constituted  elective 
authority,  and  how  much  from  the  spirit  of  venal  adulation. 

"  You,  sir,  labor  under  no  such  embarrassment.  The  office  you 
hold,  though  honorable,  is  purely  legislative,  and  such  as  we  can 
bestow  by  our  immediate  suffrage  on  one  of  ourselves.  You  con 
ferred  personal  benefits  sparingly  when  you  held  the  patronage  of 
the  nation.  That  patronage  you  have  relinquished,  and  can  never 
regain.  Your  hands  will  bo  uplifted  often,  during  your  remaining 
days,  to  invoke  blessings  on  your  country,  but  never  again  to  dis 
tribute  honors  or  reward  among  your  countrymen.  The  homage 


OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS.  317 

paid  you,  dear  sir,  is  sincere,  for  it  has  its  sources  in  the  just  senti 
ments  and  irrepressible  affections  of  a  free  people,  their  love  of 
truth,  their  admiration  of  wisdom,  their  reverence  for  virtue,  and 
their  gratitude  for  beneficence. 

"  Nor  need  you  fear  that  enthusiasm  exaggerates  your  title  to  the 
public  regard.  Your  fellow-citizens,  in  spite  of  political  prudence, 
could  not  avoid  honoring  you  on  grounds  altogether  irrespective  of 
personal  merit.  John  Adams,  who  has  gone  to  receive  the  reward 
of  the  just,  was  one  of  the  most  efficient  and  illustrious  founders  of 
this  Empire,  and  afterwards  its  Chief  Ruler.  The  son  of  such  a 
father  would,  in  any  other  age,  and  even  in  this  age,  in  any  other 
country  than  this,  have  been  entitled,  by  birth  alone,  to  a  sceptre. 
We  not  merely  deny  hereditary  claims  to  civil  trust,  but  regard 
even  hereditary  distinction  with  jealousy.  And  this  circumstance 
enhances  justly  the  estimate  of  your  worth.  For  when  before  has 
it  happened  that  in  such  a  condition  of  society  the  son  has,  by  mere 
civic  achievement,  attained  the  eminence  of  such  a  sire,  and  effaced 
remembrance  of  birth  by  justly  acquired  renown  ? 

"  The  hand  we  now  so  eagerly  grasp,  was  pressed  in  confidence 
and  friendship  by  the  Father  of  our  Country.  The  wreath  we  place 
on  your  honored  brow,  received  its  earliest  leaves  from  the  hand  of 
Washington.  We  cannot  expect,  with  the  agency  of  free  and  uni 
versal  suffrage,  to  be  always  governed  by  the  wise  and  the  good. 
But  surely  your  predecessors  in  the  Chief  Magistracy,  were  men 
such  as  never  before  successively  wielded  power  in  any  State. 
They  differed  in  policy  as  they  must,  and  yet,  throughout  their  sev 
eral  dynasties,  without  any  sacrifice  of  personal  independence,  and 
while  passing  from  immature  youth  to  ripened  age,  you  were  coun 
sellor  and  minister  to  them  all.  We  seem  therefore,  in  this  inter 
view  with  you,  to  come  into  the  presence  of  our  departed  chiefs  ; 
the  majestic  shade  of  Washington  looks  down  upon  us  ;  we  hear  the 
bold  and  manly  eloquence  of  the  elder  Adams ;  and  we  listen  to  the 
voices  of  the  philosophic  and  sagacious  Jefferson,  the  refined  and 
modest  Madison,  and  the  generous  and  faithful  Monroe. 

"  A  life  of  such  eminent  patriotism  and  fidelity  found  its  proper 
reward  in  your  elevation  to  the  eminence  from  which  you  had  justly 
derived  so  many  honors.  Although  your  administration  of  the  gov 
ernment  is  yet  too  recent  for  impartial  history,  or  unbounded  eulogy, 
N 


318  LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS. 

our  grateful  remembrance  of  it  is  evinced  by  the  congratulations 
you  now  receive  from  your  fellow-citizens. 

"  But  your  claims  to  the  veneration  of  your  countrymen  do  net 
end  here.  Your  predecessors  descended  from  the  Chief  Magistrac/ 
to  enjoy,  in  repose  and  tranquillity,  honors  even  greater  than  thos3 
which  belonged  to  that  eminent  station.  It  was  reserved  for  you 
to  illustrate  the  important  truths,  that  offices  and  trusts  are  not  th  5 
end  of  public  service,  but  are  merely  incidents  in  the  life  of  the  trivj 
American  citizen ;  that  duties  remain  when  the  highest  trust  is  re 
signed  ;  and  that  there  is  scope  for  a  pure  and  benevolent  ambition 
beyond  even  the  Presidency  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

"  You  have  devoted  the  energies  of  a  mind  unperverted,  the  learn 
ing  and  experience  acquired  through  more  than  sixty  years,  and 
even  the  influence  and  fame  derived  from  your  high  career  of  pub 
lic  service,  to  the  great  cause  of  universal  liberty.  The  praises  wo 
bestow  are  already  echoed  back  to  us  by  voices  which  come  rid 
and  full  across  the  Atlantic,  hailing  you  as  the  indefatigable  cham 
pion  of  humanity — not  the  humanity  which  embraces  a  single  race 
or  clime,  but  that  humanity  which  regards  the  whole  family  of 
MAN.  Such  salutations  as  these  cannot  be  mistaken.  They  come 
not  from  your  contemporaries,  for  they  are  gone — you  are  not  of 
this  generation,  but  of  the  PAST,  spared  to  hear  the  voice  of  POS 
TERITY.  The  greetings  you  receive  come  up  from  the  dark  and 
uncertain  FUTURE.  They  are  the  whisperings  of  posthumous 
FAME — fame  which  impatiently  awaits  your  departure,  and  which, 
spreading  wider  and  growing  more  and  more  distinct,  will  award 
to  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  a  name  to  live  with  that  of  WASHING 
TON  !" 


The  audience  expressed  their  sympathy  with  this 
address  by  long  and  enthusiastic  cheering.  When 
order  was  restored,  Mr.  Adams  rose,  evidently  under 
great  and  unaffected  embarrassment. 

He  replied  to  the  speech  in  an  address  of  about  half 
an  hour,  during  which  the  attention  of  his  audience 
was  riveted  upon  the  speaker,  with  intense  interest 


LIFE     OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS.  319 

and  affection.  He  declared  the  embarrassment  he  felt 
in  speaking.  He  was  sensible  that  his  fellow-citizens 
had  laid  aside  all  partizan  feelings  in  coming  up  to 
greet  him.  He  desired  to  speak  what  would  not 
\vound  the  feelings  of  any  one.  He  was  grateful, 
deeply  grateful,  to  them  all.  But  on  what  subject  of 
public  interest  could  a  public  man  speak,  that  would 
find  harmony  among  an  intelligent  thinking  people  ? 
There  were  such  subjects,  but  he  could  not  speak  of 
them. 

The  people  of  Western  New  York  had  always  been 
eminently  just  and  generous  to  him,  and  had  recently 
proved  their  kindness  on  various  occasions,  by  inviting 
him  to  address  the  State  Agricultural  Society  on 
agriculture.  But  his  life  had  been  spent  in  the  closet, 
in  diplomacy,  or  in  the  cabinet ;  and  he  had  not  learned 
the  practice,  or  even  the  theory  of  agriculture.  After 
what  he  had  seen  of  the  harvests  of  Western  New 
York,  bursting  with  food  for  the  sustenance  of  man,  for 
him  to  address  the  people  of  such  a  district  on  agricul 
ture,  would  be  as  absurd  as  the  vanity  of  the  rhetorician 
who  went  to  Carthage  to  instruct  Hannibal  in  the  art  of 
war.  He  had  been  solicited  to  address  the  young.  In 
his  life  time  he  had  been  an  instructor  of  youth,  and, 
strange  as  from  his  present  display  they  might  think  it,  he 
had  instructed  them  in  the  art  of  eloquence.  And  there 
was  no  more  honorable  office  on  earth  than  instructing 
the  young.  But  the  schools  and  seminaries  had  passed 
him,  while  he  was  engaged  in  other  pursuits ;  and  for 


320  LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS. 

him  now  to  attempt  to  instruct  the  young  of  this  gen 
eration,  would  evince  only  the  garrulousness  of  age. 

He  had  been  invited  to  discourse  on  internal  im 
provement  ;  but  that  was  a  subject  he  feared  to  touch. 
On  one  point,  however,  all  men  agreed.  All  were  in 
favor  of  internal  improvement.  But  there  was  a  bal 
ance  between  the  reasonable  sacrifices  of  this  genera 
tion,  and  the  burden  it  had  a  right  to  cast  upon  pos 
terity,  and  every  individual  might  justly  claim  to  hold 
his  balance  for  himself.  One  thing,  however,  he  was 
sure  he  might  assume  with  safety.  In  looking  over  the 
State  of  New  York,  upon  its  canals  and  railroads,  which 
brought  the  borders  of  the  State  into  contiguity,  and  its 
citizens  in  every  part  into  communion  with  each  other, 
he  was  sure  that  all  rejoiced,  and  might  well  glory  in 
what  had  been  accomplished. 

Mr.  A.  said  he  had  read  and  endeavored  to  inform 
himself  concerning  prison  discipline,  a  subject  deeply 
interesting  to  the  peace,  good  order,  and  welfare  of 
society  ;  but  after  his  examination  of  the  penitentiary 
here,  he  was  satisfied  that  he  was  yet  a  learner,  instead 
of  being  able  to  give  instruction  on  that  important 
subject. 

He  had  been  asked  to  enlist  in  the  growing  army 
of  temperance,  and  discourse  on  that  cause,  so  deeply 
cherished  by  every  well  wisher  of  our  country.  And 
he  would  cheerfully  speak  ;  but  other  and  more  devoted 
men  had  occupied  the  field,  and  what  was  left  for  him 
to  say  on  temperance  ?  In  passing  through  Catholic 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS.  321 

Lower  Canada  he  saw  a  column  erected  to  the  Virgin 
Mary,  in  gratitude  for  her  promotion  of  the  temperance 
cause.  If  indeed  the  blessed  Virgin  did  lend  her  aid 
to  that  great  work,  it  would  almost  win  him  to  worship 
at  her  shrine,  although  he  belonged  to  that  class  of 
people  who  rejected  the  invocation  of  saints. 

He  felt,  therefore,  that  he  had  no  subject  on  which 
to  address  them,  but  himself  and  his  own  public  life. 
The  experience  of  an  old  man,  related  by  himself, 
would,  he  feared,  be  more  irksome  than  profitable. 

"  What,  then,  am  I  to  say  ?  I  am  summoned  here 
to  speak,  and  to  reply  to  what  has  been  said  to  me  by 
my  respected  friend,  your  late  Chief  Magistrate.  And 
what  is  the  theme  he  has  given  me  ?  It  is  myself. 
And  what  can  I  say  on  such  a  subject  ?  To  know 
that  he  entertains,  or  that  you  entertain  for  me  the 
sentiments  he  has  expressed,  absolutely  overpowers 
me.  I  cannot  go  on.  The  only  answer  I  can  make, 
is  a  declaration,  that  during  my  public  service,  now 
protracted  to  nearly  the  age  of  eighty,  I  have  endea 
vored  to  serve  my  country  honestly  and  faithfully. 
How  imperfectly  I  have  done  this,  none  seem  so  sen 
sible  as  myself.  I  must  stop.  I  can  only  repeat 
thanks,  thanks,  thanks  to  you,  one  and  all,  and  implore 
the  blessings  of  God  upon  you  and  your  children.'* 

At  the  conclusion  of  this  reply,  Mr.  Adams  was 
introduced  to  a  large  number  of  the  ladies  and  gentle 
men  assembled  in  the  church.  He  then  returned  to 
the  American  Hotel,  where  he  remained  an  hour, 


322  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

receiving  the  visits  of  the  citizens  of  the  adjoining 
towns.  At  11  o'clock  the  Auburn  Guards  escorted 
Mr.  Adams  and  the  committee,  followed  by  a  large 
procession,  to  the  car-house.  Accompanied  by  Gov. 
Seward,  Judge  Miller,  Hon.  Christopher  Morgan,  the 
committee,  Auburn  Guards,  and  a  number  of  the  citi 
zens  of  Auburn,  he  was  conveyed  in  an  extra  train  of 
cars,  in  an  hour  and  five  minutes,  to  Syracuse. 

At  Syracuse,  at  Utica,  at  Albany,  the  same  spon 
taneous  outgushing  manifestations  of  respect  and  affec 
tion  met  him  that  had  hitherto  attended  his  journey 
in  every  populous  place  through  which  he  passed.  In 
his  reply  to  the  address  of  Mr.  Barnard,  at  Albany,  he 
concluded  in  the  following  words  : — 

"  Lingering  as  I  am  on  the  stage  of  public  life,  and,  as  many  of 
you  may  think,  lingering  beyond  the  period  when  nature  calls  for 
repose — while  I  remain  in  the  station  which  I  now  occupy  in  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  if  you,  my  hearers,  as  an  assembly, 
or  if  any  one  among  you,  as  an  individual,  have  any  object  or  pur 
pose  to  promote,  or  any  end  to  secure  that  he  believes  can  in  any 
way  advance  his  interests  or  increase  his  happiness,  then,  in  the 
name  of  God,  I  ask  you  to  send  your  petitions  to  me!  (Tremendous 
cheering.)  I  hope  this  is  not  trespassing  too  far  on  politics. 
(Laughter,  and  cheers.)  I  unhesitatingly  promise  you,  one  and  all, 
that  if  I  can  in  any  way  serve  you  in  that  station,  I  will  do  it  most 
cheerfully  ;  regarding  it  as  the  choicest  blessing  of  God,  if  I  shall 
thus  be  enabled  to  make  some  just  return  for  the  kind  attentions 
which  you  have  this  day  bestowed  upon  me." 

In  his  route  homeward,  Mr.  Adams  was  received 
and  entertained  in  a  very  handsome  manner  by  the 
people  of  Pittsfield,  Mass.  He  was  addressed  by  lion 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS.  323 

George  N.  Briggs,  who  alluded,  in  eloquent  terms,  to 
his  long  and  distinguished  public  services.  Mr. 
Adams,  in  reply,  spoke  of  the  scenes  amidst  which  he 
had  passed  his  early  youth,  and  of  the  influence  which 
they  exerted  in  forming  his  character  and  shaping  his 
purposes.  "  In  1775,"  said  he,  "  the  minute  men  from 
a  hundred  towns  in  the  province  were  marching,  at  a 
moment's  warning,  to  the  scene  of  opening  war.  Many 
of  them  called  at  my  father's  house  in  Quincy,  and 
received  the  hospitality  of  John  Adams.  All  were 
lodged  in  the  house  which  the  house  would  contain  ; 
others  in  the  barns,  and  wherever  they  could  find  a 
place.  There  were  then  in  my  father's  kitchen  some 
dozen  or  two  of  pewter  spoons ;  and  I  well  recollect 
going  into  the  kitchen  and  seeing  some  of  the  men 
engaged  in  running  those  spoons  into  bullets  for  the 
use  of  the  troops  !  Do  you  wonder,"  said  he,  "  that  a 
boy  of  seven  years  of  age,  who  witnessed  this  scene, 
should  be  a  patriot  ?" 

In  the  fall  of  the  same  year,  Mr.  Adams  received  an 
invitation  from  the  Cincinnati  Astronomical  Society,  to 
visit  that  city,  and  assist  in  the  ceremony  of  laying  the 
corner  stone  of  an  observatory,  to  be  erected  on  an  em 
inence  called  Mount  Ida.  The  invitation  was  accepted. 
On  his  journey  to  Cincinnati,  the  same  demonstrations 
of  respect,  the  same  eagerness  to  honor  the  aged  patri 
arch  were  manifested  in  the  various  cities  and  towns 
through  which  he  passed,  as  on  his  summer  tour. 


324  LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS. 

The  ceremony  of  laying  the  corner  stone  took  placo 
on  the  9th  of  November,  1843.  Mr.  Adams  delivered 
an  address  on  the  occasion,  replete  with  eloquence, 
wisdom,  philosophy,  and  religion.  The  following 
beautiful  extract  will  afford  a  specimen  : — • 

"  The  various  difficult,  and,  in  many  respects,  opposite  motives 
which  have  impelled  mankind  to  the  study  of  the  stars,  have  had  c. 
singular  effect  in  complicating  and  confounding  the  recommendatioi 
of  the  science.  Religion,  idolatry,  superstition,  curiosity,  the  thirsi. 
for  knowledge,  the  passion  for  penetrating  the  secrets  of  nature 
the  warfare  of  the  huntsman  by  night  and  by  day  against  the  beasl 
of  the  forest  and  of  the  field,  the  meditations  of  the  shepherd  in  the 
custody  and  wanderings  of  his  flocks,  the  influence  of  the  revolving 
seasons  of  the  year,  and  the  successive  garniture  of  the  firmament 
upon  the  labors  of  the  husbandman,  upon  the  seed  time  and  the 
harvest,  the  blooming  of  flowers,  the  ripening  of  the  vintage,  the 
polar  pilot  of  the  navigator,  and  the  mysterious  magnet  of  the  mar 
iner — all,  in  harmonious  action,  stimulate  the  child  of  earth  and  of 
heaven  to  interrogate  the  dazzling  splendors  of  the  sky,  to  reveal  to 
him  the  laws  of  their  own  existence. 

"  He  has  his  own  comforts,  his  own  happiness,  his  own  existence, 
identified  with  theirs.  He  sees  the  Creator  in  creation,  and  calls 
upon  creation  to  declare  the  glory  of  the  Creator.  When  Pytha 
goras,  the  philosopher  of  the  Grecian  schools,  conceived  that  more 
than  earthly  idea  of.  '  the  music  of  the  spheres' — when  the  great 
dramatist  of  nature  could  inspire  the  lips  of  his  lover  on  the  moon 
light  green  with  the  beloved  of  his  soul,  to  say  to  her  : — 

'  Sit,  Jessica. — Look  how  the  floor  of  Heaven 
Is  thick  inlaid  with  pattens  of  bright  gold  ! 
There's  not  the  smallest  orb  which  thou  beholdcst, 
But  in  his  motion  like  an  angel  sings, 
Still  choiring  to  the  young  eyed  cherubim !' 

"  Oh,  who  is  the  one  with  a  heart,  but  almost  wishes  to  cast  off 
this  muddy  vesture  of  decay,  to  be  admitted  to  the  joy  of  listening  to 
the  celestial  harmony !" 


CHAPTER   XY. 

MR.  ADAMS'     LAST   APPEARANCE  IN  PUBLIC  AT  BOSTON — HIS 

HEALTH LECTURES     ON     HIS     JOURNEY     TO    WASHINGTON — • 

REMOTE    CAUSE    OF    HIS -"DECEASE STRUCK  WITH  PARALYSIS 

LEAVES  QUINCY  FOR  WASHINGTON    FOR    THE    LAST  TIME 

HIS    FINAL    SICKNESS    IN    THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES 

HIS    DEATH THE    FUNERAL    AT    WASHINGTON REMOVAL    OF 

THE    BODY    TO    QUINCY ITS    INTERMENT. 

THE  last  time  Mr.  Adams  appeared  in  public  in 
Boston,  he  presided  at  a  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  that 
city,  in  Faneuil  Hall.  "  A  man  had  been  kidnapped 
in  Boston — kidnapped  at  noon-day,  '  on  the  high  road 
between  Faneuil  Hall  and  old  Quincy,'  and  carried 
off  to  be  a  slave4!  New  England  hands  had  seized 
their  brother,  sold  him  into  bondage  forever,  and  his 
children  after  him.  A  meeting  was  called  to  talk  the 
matter  over,  in  a  plain  way,  and  look  in  one  another's 
faces.  Who  was  fit  to  preside  in  such  a  case  ?  That 
old  man  sat  in  the  chair  in  Faneuil  Hall.  Above  him 
was  the  image  of  his  father  and  his  own  ;  around  him 
were  Hancock  and  the  other  Adams,  and  Washington, 
greatest  of  all.  Before  him  were  the  men  and  women 
of  Boston,  met  to  consider  the  wrongs  done  to  a  miser 
able  negro  slave.  The  roof  of  the  old  Cradle  of  Liberty 
N*  21 


326  LIFE    OP    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

spanned  over  them  all.  Forty  years  before,  a  young 
man  and  a  Senator,  he  had  taken  the  chair  at  a  meet 
ing  called  to  consult  on  the  wrong  done  to  American 
seamen,  violently  impressed  by  the  British  from  an 
American  ship  of  war — the  unlucky  Chesapeake.  Now 
an  old  man,  clothed  with  half  a  century  of  honors,  he 
sits  in  the  same  Hall,  to  preside  over  a  meeting  to  con 
sider  3he  outrage  done  to  a  single  slave.  One  was  the 
first  meef'/ig  of  citizens  he  ever  presided  over;  the 
other  way  'he  last :  both  for  the  same  object — the  de 
fence  of  tKi>  eternal  right  !"* 

Few  men  retain  the  health  and  vigor  with  which 
Mr.  Adamt  was  blessed  in  extreme  old  age.  When 
most  otherh  are  decrepit  and  helpless,  he  was  in  the 
enjoyment  ;;f  meridian  strength  and  energy,  both  of 
body  and  m'nd,  and  could  endure  labors  which  would 
prostrate  m?  ny  in  the  prime  of  manhood.  An  instance 
of  his  powei  s  of  endurance  is  furnished  in  his  journey 
to  Washing  ;on,  to  attend  the  opening  of  Congress, 
when  in  the  74th  year  of  his  age.  On  Monday  morning 
he  left  Bosto-i,  and  the  same  evening  delivered  a  lecture 
before  the  Young  Men's  Institute,  in  Hartford,  Conn. 
The  next  day  he  proceeded  to  New  Haven,  and  in  the 
evening  lectured  before  a  similar  Institute  in  that  city. 
Wednesday  he  pursued  his  journey  to  New  York,  and 
in  the  evening  lectured  before  the  New  York  Lyceum, 
in  the  Broadway  Tabernacle.  Thursday  evening  he 
*  Theodore  Parker. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN   QUINCY    ADAMS.  327 

delivered  an  address  before  an  association  in  Brooklyn  ; 
and  on  Friday  evening  delivered  a  second  lecture  be 
fore  the  New  York  Lyceum.  Here  were  labors  which 
would  seriously  tax  the  constitution  of  vigorous  youth ; 
and  yet  Mr.  Adams  performed  them  with  much  com 
parative  ease. 

His  great  longevity,  and  his  general  good  health, 
must  be  attributed,  in  no  small  degree,  to  his  abstemious 
and  temperate  habits,  early  rising,  and  active  exercise. 
He  took  pleasure  in  athletic  amusements,  and  was  ex 
ceedingly  fond  of  walking.  During  his  summer  res 
idence  in  Quincy,  he  has  been  known  to  walk  to  his 
son's  residence  in  Boston  (seven  miles.)  before  break 
fast.  "  While  President  of  the  United  States,  he  was 
probably  the  first  man  up  in  Washington,  lighted  his 
own  fire,  and  was  hard  at  work  in  his  library,  while 
sleep  yet  held  in  its  obliviousness  the  great  mass  of  his 
fellow-citizens."  He  was  an  expert  swimmer,  and  was 
in  the  constant  habit  of  bathing,  whenever  circum 
stances  would  permit.  Not  unfrequently  the  first 
beams  of  the  rising  sun,  as  they  fell  upon  the  beautiful 
Potomac,  would  find  Mr.  Adams  buffeting  its  waves 
with  all  the  sportiveness  and  dexterity  of  boyhood, 
while  a  single  attendant  watched  upon  the  shore. 
WThen  in  the  Presidency,  he  sometimes  made  a  journey 
from  Washington  to  Quincy  on  horseback,  as  a  simple 
citizen,  accompanied  only  by  a  servant. 

More  than  four   score    years   had   sprinkled   their 


328  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

frosts  upon  his  brow,  and  still  he  was  in  the  midst  of 
his  usefulness.  Promptly  at  his  post  in  the  Hall  of 
Representatives  stood  the  veteran  sentinel,  watching 
vigilantly  over  the  interests  of  his  country.  With  an 
eye  undimmed  by  age,  a  quick  ear,  a  ready  hand,  an 
intellect  unimpaired,  he  guarded  the  citadel  of  liberty, 
ever  on  the  alert  to  detect,  and  mighty  to  repel,  the 
approach  of  the  foe,  however  covert  or  however  open 
his  attacks.  Never  did  the  Union,  never  did  freedom, 
the  world,  more  need  his  services  than  now.  A  large 
territory,  of  sufficient  extent  to  form  several  States, 
had  been  blighted  by  sla/ery,  and  annexed  to  the 
United  Sates.  A  sanguinary  and  expensive  war,  grow 
ing  out  of  this  strengthening  of  the  slave  power,  had 
just  terminated,  adding  to  the  Union  still  larger  terri 
tories — now  free  soil  indeed,  but  furnishing  a  field  for 
renewed  battles  between  slavery  and  liberty.  New 
revolutions  were  about  to  break  forth  in  Europe,  to 
convulse  the  Eastern  Hemisphere,  and  cause  old 
thrones  to  totter  and  fall ! 

'How  momentous  the  era !  How  deeply  fraught 
with  the  prosperity  of  the  American  Republic — with 
the  progress  of  man — the  freedom  of  nations — the 
happiness  of  succeeding  generations  !  How  could  he, 
who  for  years  had  prominently  and  nobly  stood  forth, 
as  the  leader  of  the  hosts  contending  for  the  rights  and 
the  liberties  of  humanity,  be  spared  from  his  post  at  such 
a  juncture?  Who  could  put  on  his  armor? — who 
wield  his  weapons  ? — who  "  lead  a  forlorn  hope,"  or 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUlNCY    ADAMS.  329 

mount  a  deadly  breach  in  battles  which  might  yet 
be  waged  between  the  sons  of  freedom  and  the  propa 
gators  of  slavery  ?  But  the  loss  was  to  be  experienced. 
A  wise  and  good  Providence  had  so  ordered.  The 
sands  of  his  life  had  run  out.  A  voice  from  on  high 
called  him  away  from  earth's  stormy  struggles,  to 
bright  and  peaceful  scenes  in  the  spirit  land.  He 
could  no  longer  tarry.  Death  found  the  faithful  vet 
eran  at  his  post,  with  his  harness  on.  How  applicable 
the  words  of  Scott,  on  the  departure  of  Pitt  : — 

"  Hadst  thou  but  lived,  though  stripp'd  of  power, 
A  watchman  on  the  lonely  tower, 
Thy  thrilling  trump  had  roused  the  land, 
When  fraud  or  danger  were  at  hand  ; 
By  thee,  as  by  the  beacon-light, 
Our  pilots  had  kept  course  aright ; 
As  some  proud  column,  though  alone, 
Thy  strength  had  propp'd  the  tottering  throne. 
Now  is  the  stately  column  broke, 
The  beacon-light  is  quenched  in  smoke, 
The  trumpet's  silver  sound  is  still, 
The  warder  silent  on  the  hill ! 
O  think  how,  to  his  latest  day, 
When  death,  just  hovering,  claimed  his  prey, 
With  Palinure's  unaltered  mood, 
Firm  at  his  dangerous  post  he  stood; 
Each  call  for  needful  rest  repell'd, 
With  dying  hand  the  rudder  held, 
Till,  in  his  fall,  with  fateful  sway, 
The  steerage  of  the  realm  gave  way." 

It  has  been  supposed  by  some  that  the  remote  cause 
of  Mr.  Adams's  death  was  a  severe  injury  he  received 
by  a  fall  in  the  House  of  Renresentatives,  in  June, 


330  LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS. 

184<9.     The    accident   is    thus   described   by   an   eye 
witness  :.-— 

"  It  had  been  a  very  warm  day,  and  the  debates  had  partaken  of 
extraordinary  excitement,  when,  a  few  moments  before  sunset,  the 
House  adjourned,  and  most  of  the  members  had  sought  relief  from 
an  opjwssive  atmosphere,  in  the  arbors  and  recesses  of  the  adjoin 
ing  Congressional  gardens. 

"  At  f  hat  time  I  held  a  subordinate  clerkship  in  the  House,  which 
usually  confined  me,  the  larger  portion  of  the  day  not  devoted  to 
debate,  Jo  one  of  the  committee  rooms  ;  whilst  the  balance  of  the 
day  I  ot^upied  as  a  reporter. 

"  Mr.  Vdams  was  always  the  first  man  in  the  House,  and  the 
last  mai,  out  of  it;  and,  as  I  usually  detained  myself  an  hour  or 
more  afl  T  adjournment,  in  writing  up  my  notes,  I  often  came  in 
contact  *  ith  him.  He  was  pleased  to  call  at  my  desk  very  often, 
before  he  went  home,  and  indulge  in  some  incidental,  unimportant 
con  versa*  on.  On  the  day  referred  to,  just  as  the  sun  was  setting, 
and  was  i  irowing  his  last  rays  through  the  murky  hall,  I  looked 
up,  and  ss  v  Mr.  Adams  approaching.  lie  had  almost  reached  my 
desk,  and  had  uplifted  his  hand  in  friendly  salutation,  when  lie 
pitched  he-  dlong,  some  six  or  eight  feet,  and  struck  his  head  against 
the  sharp  c  >rner  of  an  iron  rail  that  defended  one  of  the  entrance 
aisles  leadi,  g  to  the  circle  within  the  bar,  inflicting  a  heavy  contu 
sion  on  hit  forehead,  and  rendering  him  insensible.  I  instantly 
leaped  from  my  seat,  took  the  prostrate  sufferer  in  my  arms,  and 
found  that  Tie  was  in  a  state  of  utter  stupor  and  insensibility. 
Looking  arc  md  for  aid,  I  had  the  good  fortune  to  find  that  Col. 
James  Mum  )e,  of  the  New  York  delegation,  had  just  returned  to 
his  desk  to  procure  a  paper  he  had  forgotten,  when,  giving  the 
alarm,  he  flev  to  the  rescue,  manifesting  the  deepest  solicitude  for 
the  welfare  t  f  the  venerable  statesman.  Follansbee,  the  door 
keeper,  \vith  t  fo  or  more  of  his  pages,  came  in  next ;  and  after  we 
had  applied  a  \  -lentiful  supply  of  cold  water  to  the  sufferer,  he  re 
turned  to  cons*  iousness,  and  requested  that  he  might  be  taken  to 
his  residence.  In  less  than  five  minutes,  Mr.  Moses  H.  Grinnell, 
Mr.  George  II.  Profit,  Mr.  Ogden  Hoffman,  and  Col.  Christopher 
Williams,  of  T  mnessee,  were  called  in,  a  carriage  was  procured, 
and  Mr.  Adams  was  being  conveyed  to  his  residence  in  President 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS.  331 

Square,  when,  it  being  ascertained  that  his  shoulder  was  dislocated, 
the  carriage  was  stopped  at  the  door  of  the  private  hotel  of  Col. 
Munroe,  in  Pennsylvania  Avenue,  between  Eleventh  and  Twelfth 
streets ;  the  suffering,  but  not  complaining  statesman,  was  taken 
out,  and  surgical  aid  instantly  put  in  requisition.  Doctor  Sewall 
was  sent  for ;  when  it  was  ascertained  that  the  left  shoulder-joint 
was  out  of  the  socket ;  and,  though  Mr.  Adams  must  have  suffered 
intensely,  he  complained  not — did  not  utter  a  groan  or  a  murmur. 

"  More  than  an  hour  elapsed  before  the  dislocated  limb  could  be 
adjusted ;  and  to  effect  which,  his  arm  endured,  in  a  concentrated 
and  continued  wrench  or  pull,  many  minutes  at  a  time,  the  united 
strength  of  Messrs.  Grinnell,  Munroe,  Profit,  and  Hoffman.  Still 
Mr.  Adams  uttered  not  a  murmur,  though  the  great  drops  of  sweat 
that  rolled  down  his  furrowed  cheeks,  or  stood  upon  his  brow,  told 
but  too  well  the  physical  agony  he  endured.  As  soon  as  his  arm 
was  adjusted,  he  insisted  on  being  carried  home,  and  his  wishes 
were  complied  with. 

"  The  next  morning  I  was  at  the  capitol  at  a  very  early  hour, 
attending  to  some  writing.  I  thought  of,  and  lamented  the  acci 
dent  that  had  befallen  Mr.  Adams,  and  had  already  commenced 
writing  an  account  of  it  to  a  correspondent.  At  that  instant  I  with 
drew  my  eyes  from  the  paper  on  which  I  was  writing,  and  saw  Mr. 
Adams  standing  a  foot  or  two  from  me,  carefully  examining  the 
carpeting.  '  Sir,'  said  he,  '  I  am  looking  for  that  place  in  the 
matting  that  last  night  tripped  me.  If  it  be  not  fastened  down,  it 
may  kill  some  one.'  And  then  he  continued  his  search  for  the 
trick-string  matting." 

Mr.  Adams  after  this  accident  did  not  enjoy  as 
sound  health  as  in  previous  years,  yet  was  more  active 
and  vigorous  than  the  majority  of  those  who  attain  to 
his  age.  But  on  the  20th  of  November,  1846,  he  ex 
perienced  the  first  blow  of  the  fatal  disease  which 
eventually  terminated  his  existence. 

On  the  morning  of  that  day,  while  sojourning  at  the 
residence  of  his  son,  in  Boston,  preparing  to  depart  for 


332  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

Washington,  he  was  walking  out  with  a  friend  to  visi: 
a  new  Medical  College,  and  was  struck  with  paralysis 
by  the  way.  This  affliction  confined  him  several 
weeks,  when  he  obtained  sufficient  strength  to  proceed 
to  Washington,  and  enter  upon  his  duties  in  the  House 
of  Representatives.  He  viewed  this  attack  as  the 
touch  of  death.  An  interregnum  of  nearly  four  months: 
occurs  in  his  journal.  The  next  entry  is  under  the 
head  of  "Posthumous  Memoir."  After  describing  his 
recent  sickness,  he  continues  : — ('"From  that  hour  ] 
date  my  decease,  and  consider  myself,  for  every  useful 
purpose,  to  myself  and  fellow-creatures,  dead;  and 
hence  I  call  this,  and  what  I  may  hereafter  write,  a 
posthumous  memoir"  \ 

Although  he  was  after  this,  regular  in  his  attendance 
at  the  House  of  Representatives,  yet  he  did  not  mingle 
as  freely  in  debate  as  formerly.  He  passed  the  follow 
ing  summer,  as  usual,  at  his  seat  in  Quincy.  In  No 
vember,  he  left  his  native  town  for  Washington,  to 

o          ' 

return  no  more  in  life  ! 

On  Sunday,  the  20th  of  February,  1848,  he  appeared 
in  unusual  health.  In  the  forenoon  he  attended  public 
worship  at  the  capitol,  and  in  the  afternoon  at  St. 
John's  church.  At  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening  he 
retired  with  his  wife  to  his  library,  where  she  read  to 
him  a  sermon  of  Bishop  Wilberforce,  on  Time — "  ho 
vering,  as  he  was,  on  the  verge  of  eternity  !"  This 
was  the  last  night  he  passed  beneath  his  own  roof. 

Monday,  the  21st,  he  rose   at  his  usual  very  early 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  333 

hour,  and  engaged  in  his  accustomed  occupations  with 
his  pen.  An  extraordinary  alacrity  pervaded  his  move 
ments,  and  the  cheerful  step  with  which  he  ascended 
the  steps  of  the  capitol  was  remarked  by  his  attendants. 
He  occupied  a  portion  of  the  forenoon  in  composing  a 
few  stanzas  of  poetry,  at  the  request  of  a  friend,  and 
had  signed  his  name  twice  for  members  who  desired 
to  obtain  his  autograph. 

Mr.  Chase  had  introduced  a  resolution  of  thanks  to 
Generals  Twiggs,  Worth,  Quitman,  Pillow,  Shields, 
Pearce,  Cadwalader,  and  Smith,  for  their  services  in 
the  Mexican  war,  and  awarding  them  gold  medals.  Mr. 
Adams  was  in  his  seat,  and  voted  on  the  two  questions 
preliminary  to  ordering  its  engrossment,  with  an  uncom 
monly  emphatic  tone  of  voice.  About  half  past  one 
o'clock,  P.  M.,  as  the  Speaker  had  risen  to  put  another 
question  to  the  House,  the  proceedings  were  suddenly 
interrupted  by  cries  of  "  Stop  ! — stop  ! — Mr.  Adams  !" 
There  was  a  quick  movement  towards  the  chair  of 
Mr.  Adams,  by  t\vo  or  three  members,  and  in  a  mo 
ment  he  was  surrounded  by  a  large  number  of  Repre 
sentatives,  eagerly  inquiring — "  What's  the  matter  ?" — 
"Has  he  fainted?"— "  Is  he  dead?"  JOHN  QUINCY 
ADAMS,  while  faithful  at  his  post,  and  apparently,  about 
to  rise  to  address  the  Speaker,  had  sunk  into  a  state  of 
unconsciousness  !  He  had  been  struck  a  second  time 
with  paralysis.  The  scene  was  one  of  intense  excite 
ment.  Pallor,  anxiety,  alarm,  were  depicted  on  every 
countenance.  "  Take  him  out," — '*  Bring  water," — 


334  LIFE    OF    JOHN    Q,UINCY    ADAMS. 

exclaimed  several  voices.  He  had  been  prevented 
from  falling  to  the  floor  by  a  member  from  Ohio, 
whose  seat  was  near  his — Mr.  Fisher — who  received 
him  in  his  arms.  Immediately  Mr.  Grinnell,  one  o:* 
his  colleagues  from  Massachusetts,  was  by  his  side, 
keeping  off  a  press  of  anxious  friends,  and  bathing  hi  3 
face  with  iced  water. 

"  He  was  immediately  lifted  into  the  area  in  front 
of  the  Clerk's  table.  The  Speaker  instantly  suggested 
that  some  gentleman  move  an  adjournment,  which 
being  promptly  done,  the  House  adjourned.  A  sofa 
was  brought,  and  Mr.  Adams,  in  a  state  of  perfec; 
helplessness,  though  not  of  entire  insensibility,  was 
gently  laid  upon  it.  The  sofa  was  then  taken  up  ant. 
borne  out  of  the  Hall  into  the  Rotunda,  where  it  was 
set  down,  and  the  members  of  both  Houses,  and 
strangers,  who  were  fast  crowding  around,  were  with 
some  difficulty  repressed,  and  an  open  space  cleared  in 
its  immediate  vicinity  ;  but  a  medical  gentleman,  a 
member  of  the  House,  (who  was  prompt,  active,  and 
self-possessed  throughout  the  whole  painful  scene,) 
advised  that  he  be  removed  to  the  door  of  the  Rotunda 
opening  on  the  east  portico,  where  a  fresh  wind  was 
blowing.  This  was  done  ;  but  the  air  being  chilly 
and  loaded  with  vapor,  the  sofa  was,  at  the  suggestion 
of  Mr.  Winthrop,  once  more  taken  up  and  removed  to 
the  Speaker's  apartment,  the  doors  of  which  were 
forthwith  closed  to  all  but  professional  gentlemen  and 
particular  friends." 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QU1NCY    ADAMS.  335 

The  features  of  the  dying  patriarch  were  almost  as 
rigid  as  though  in  death  ;  but  there  was  a  serenity  in 
his  countenance  which  betokened  an  absence  of  pain. 
There  were  five  physicians,  members  of  the  House, 
present,  viz.  : — Drs.  Newell,  Fries,  Edwards,  Jones  of 
Georgia,  and  Lord.  These  gentlemen  were  unremit 
ting  in  their  attentions.  Drs.  Lindsley  and  Thomas, 
of  the  city,  were  also  immediately  called  in.  Under 
the  advice  of  the  medical  gentlemen  present,  he  was 
cupped,  and  mustard  plasters  were  applied,  which 
seemed  to  afford  some  relief.  Reviving  a  little  and 
recovering  consciousness,  Mr.  Adams  inquired  for  his 
wife.  She  was  present,  but  in  extreme  illness,  and 
suffering  the  most  poignant  sorrow.  After  a  few  mo 
ments'  interval  he  relapsed  again  into  unconsciousness. 
A  correspondent  of  the  New  York  Express  describes 
as  follows  the  progress  of  these  melancholy  events  : — 

"  Half  past  one  o'clock. — Mr.  Benton  communicated 
to  the  Senate  the  notice  of  the  sudden  illness  of  Mr. 
Adams,  and  moved  an  adjournment  of  that  body. 

"  Quarter  to  two. — Mr.  Adams  has  several  physi 
cians  with  him,  but  exhibits  no  signs  of  returning  con 
sciousness.  The  report  is  that  he  is  sinking. 

"  Two  o'clock. — Mr.  Giddings  informs  me  that  he 
shows  signs  of  life.  He  has  just  now  attempted  to 
speak,  but  cannot  articulate  a  word.  Under  medical 
advice  he  has  submitted  to  leeching. 

"  Half  past  two. — Mrs.  Adams  and  his  niece  and 
nephew  are  with  him,  and  Mr.  A.  is  no  worse.  The 


336  LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS. 

reports,  however,  are  quite  contradictory,  and  many 
despair  of  his  recovery. 

"  Three  o'clock. — None  but  the  physicians  and  th? 
family  are  present,  and  the  reports  again  become  mor<3 
and  more  doubtful.  The  physicians  say  that  Mr.  Adam? 
may  not  live  more  than  an  hour,  or  he  may  live  two 
or  three  days. 

"His  right  side  is  wholly  paralyzed,  and  the  left  not 
under  control,  there  being  continually  involuntary  mo- 
tions  of  the  muscles.  Everything  which  medical  aid 
can  do,  has  been  done  for  his  relief.  Briefly,  just  now. 
by  close  attention,  he  seemed  anxious  to  '  thank  the 
officers  of  the  House.'  Then,  again,  he  was  heard  to 
say — *  This  is  the  last  of  earth !  1  AM  CONTENT  !" 
These  were  the  last  words  which  fell  from  the  lips  of 
'  the  old  man  eloquent,'  as  his  spirit  plumed  its  pinions 
to  soar  to  other  worlds." 

Mr.  Adams  lay  in  the  Speaker's  room,  in  a  state  of 
apparent  unconsciousness,  through  the  22d  and  23d, 
— Congress,  in  the  meantime,  assembling  in  respectful 
silence,  and  immediately  adjourning  from  day  to  day. 
The  struggles  of  contending  parties  ceased — the  strife 
for  interest,  place,  power,  was  hushed  to  repose.  Si 
lence  reigned  through  the  halls  of  the  capitol,  save  the 
cautious  tread  and  whispered  inquiry  of  anxious  ques 
tioners.  The  soul  of  a  sage,  a  patriot,  a  Christian,  is 
preparing  to  depart  from  the  world  ! — no  sound  is 
heard  to  ruffle  its  sweet  serenity  ! — a  calmness  and 
peace,  fitting  the  momentous  occasion,  prevail  around ! 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    ClUINCY    ADAMS.  337 

The  elements  of  life  and  death  continued  their  un 
certain  balance,  until  seven  o'clock,  on  the  evening 
of  the  23d,  when  the  spirit  of  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS 
bade  adieu  to  earth  forever,  and  winged  its  flight  to  God. 

"  Give  forth  thy  chime,  thou  solemn  bell, 
Thou  grave,  unfold  thy  marble  cell ; 
O  earth !  receive  upon  thy  breast, 
The  weary  traveller  to  his  rest. 

"  O  God  !  extend  thy  arms  of  love, 
A  spirit  seeketh  thee  above  ! 
Ye  heav'nly  palaces  unclose, 
Receive  the  weary  to  repose." 

The  tidings  of  Mr  Adams'  death  flew  on  electrical 
wings  to  every  portion  of  the  Union.  A  statesman,  a 
philanthropist,  a  father  of  the  Republic,  had  fallen.  A 
nation  heard,  and  were  dissolved  in  tears  ! 

In  the  history  of  American  statesmen,  none  lived  a 
life  so  long  in  the  public  service — none  had  trusts  so 
numerous  confided  to  their  care — none  died  a  death 
so  glorious.  Beneath  the  dome  of  the  nation's  capitol ; 
in  the  midst  of  the  field  of  his  highest  usefulness,  where 
he  had  won  fadeless  laurels  of  renown ;  equipped  with 
the  armor  in  which  he  had  fought  so  many  battles  for 
truth  and  freedom,  he  fell  beneath  the  shaft  of  the  king 
of  terrors.  And  how  bright,  how  enviable  the  reputa 
tion  he  left  behind!  As  a  man,  pure,  upright,  benevo 
lent,  religious — his  hand  unstained  by  a  drop  of  human 
blood  :  uncharged,  unsuspected  of  crime,  of  premedi 
tated  wrong,  of  an  immoral  act,  of  an  unchaste  word 


338  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

— as  a  statesman,  lofty  and  patriotic  in  all  his  pur 
poses  ;  devoted  to  the  interests  of  the  people  ;  sacredly 
exercising  all  power  entrusted  to  his  keeping  for  tho 
good  of  the  public  alone,  unmindful  of  personal  inter 
est  and  aggrandizement ;  an  enthusiastic  lover  of 
liberty ;  a  faithful,  fearless  defender  of  the  rights  oi 
man  !  The  sun  of  his  life  in  its  lengthened  course-, 
through  the  political  heavens,  was  unobscured  by  i, 
spot,  undimmed  by  a  cloud  ;  and  when,  at  the  close  of 
the  long  day,  it  sank  beneath  the  horizon,  the  whole 
firmament  glowed  with  the  brilliancy  of  its  reflected 
glories  !  Rulers,  statesmen,  legislators !  study  anc 
emulate  such  a  life — seek  after  a  character  so  beloved 
a  death  so  honorable,  a  fame  so  immortal.  Like 
him — 

"  So  live,  that  when  thy  summons  comes  to  join 
The  innumerable  caravan,  that  moves 
To  the  pale  realms  of  shade,  where  each  shall  take 
His  chamber  in  the  silent  halls  of  death, 
Thou  go  not,  like  the  quarry-slave  at  night, 
Scourged  to  his  dungeon  ;  but.  sustained,  and  soothed 
By  an  unfaltering  trust,  approach  thy  grave, 
Like  one  who  wraps  the  drapery  of  his  couch 
About  him,  and  lies  down  to  pleasant  dreams." 

On  the  day  succeeding  Mr.  Adams'  death,  when 
the  two  Houses  of  Congress  met,  the  full  attendance 
of  members,  and  a  crowded  auditory,  attested  the 
deep  desire  felt  by  all  to  witness  the  proceedings 
which  would  take  place  in  relation  to  the  death  of  one 
who  had  long  occupied  so  high  a  place  in  the  councils 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  339 

of  the  Republic.  As  soon  as  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  was  called  to  order,  the  Speaker,  (the  Hon. 
Robert  C.  Winthrop  of  Massachusetts,)  rose,  and  in  a 
feeling  manner  addressed  the  House  as  follows : — 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States  : 
It  has  been  thought  fit  that  the  Chair  should  announce  officially  to 
the  House,  an  event  already  known  to  the  members  individually, 
and  which  has  filled  all  our  hearts  with  sadness.  A  seat  on  this 
floor  has  been  vacated,  toward  which  all  eyes  have  been  accustomed 
to  turn  with  no  common  interest.  A  voice  has  been  hushed  forever 
in  this  Hall,  to  which  all  ears  have  been  wont  to  listen  with  pro 
found  reverence.  A  venerable  form  has  faded  from  our  sight, 
around  which  we  have  daily  clustered  with  an  affectionate  regard. 
A  name  has  been  stricken  from  the  roll  of  the  living  statesmen 
of  our  land,  which  has  been  associated,  for  more  than  half  a  cen 
tury,  with  the  highest  civil  service,  and  the  loftiest  civil  renown. 

"On  Monday,  the  21st  instant,  JOHN  QUIXCY  ADAMS  sunk  in  his 
seat,  in  presence  of  us  all,  by  a  sudden  illness,  from  which  he  never 
recovered ;  and  he  died,  in  the  Speaker's  room,  at  a  quarter  past 
seven  o'clock  last  evening,  with  the  officers  of  the  House  and  the 
delegation  of  his  own  Massachusetts  around  him. 

"  Whatever  advanced  age,  long  experience,  great  ability,  vast 
learning,  accumulated  public  honors,  a  spotless  private  character, 
and  a  firm  religious  faith,  could  do,  to  render  any  one  an  object  of 
interest,  respect,  and  admiration,  they  had  done  for  this  distinguished 
person ;  and  interest,  respect,  and  admiration,  are  but  feeble  terms 
to  express  the  feelings  with  which  the  members  of  this  House  and 
the  people  of  the  country  have  long  regarded  him. 

"  After  a  life  of  eighty  years,  devoted  from  its  earliest  maturity  to 
the  public  service,  he  has  at  length  gone  to  his  rest.  He  has  been 
privileged  to  die  at  his  post ;  to  fall  while  in  the  discharge^of  his 
duties ;  to  expire  beneath  the  roof  of  the  capitol ;  and  to  have  his 
last  scene  associated  forever,  in  history,  with  the  birthday  of  that 
illustrious  patriot,  whose  just  discernment  brought  him  first  into  the 
sen-ice  of  his  country. 

"  The  close  of  such  a  life,  under  such  circumstances,  is  not  an 
event  for  unmingled  emotions.  We  cannot  find  it  in  our  hearts  to 


340  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

regret,  that  he  has  died  as  he  has  died.  He  himself  could  have  de 
sired  no  other  end.  '  This  is  the  end  of  earth,'  were  his  la  st 
words,  uttered  on  the  day  on  which  he  fell.  But  we  might  al>  o 
hear  him  exclaiming,  as  he  left  us — in  a  language  hardly  less 
familiar  to  him  than  his  native  tongue — ' Hoc  est,  nimirum,  mag:,s 
feliciter  de  vita  migrare.  quam  mori.' 

"It  is  for  others  to  suggest  what  honors  shall  be  paid  to  hs 
memory.  No  acts  of  ours  are  necessary  to  his  fame.  But  it  may 
be  due  to  ourselves  and  to  the  country,  that  tne  national  sense  of 
his  character  and  services  should  be  fitly  commemorated." 

Mr.  Holmes  of  South  Carolina  arose  and  addressed 
the  House  in  most  eloquent  strains.  The  following 
are  extracts  from  his  eulogy  : — 

"  The  mingled  tones  of  sorrow,  like  the  voice  of  many  water?, 
have  come  unto  us  from  a  sister  State — Massachusetts  weeping  ftr 
her  honored  son.  The  State  I  have  the  honor  in  part  to  reprcsei  t 
once  endured,  with  yours,  a  common  suffering,  battled  for  a  com 
mon  cause,  and  rejoiced  in  a  common  triumph.  Surely,  then,  it 
is  meet  that  in  this,  the  day  of  your  affliction,  we  should  mingle  our 
griefs. 

"  When  a  great  man  falls,  the  nation  mourns  ;  when  a  patriarch 
is  removed,  the  people  weep.  Ours,  my  associates,  is  no  common 
bereavement.  The  chain  which  linked  our  hearts  with  the  gifted 
spirits  of  former  times,  has  been  rudely  snapped.  The  lips  from 
which  flowed  those  living  and  glorious  truths  that  our  fathers 
uttered,  are  closed  in  death  !  Yes,  my  friends,  Death  has  been 
among  us !  He  has  not  entered  the  humble  cottage  of  some  un 
known,  ignoble  peasant ;  he  has  knocked  audibly  at  the  palace 
of  a  nation  !  His  footstep  has  been  heard  in  the  Hall  of  State  ! 
He  has  cloven  down  his  victim  in  the  midst  of  the  councils  of  a 
people  !  He  has  borne  in  triumph  from  among  you  the  gravest, 
wisest,  most  reverend  head  !  Ah  !  he  has  taken  him  as  a  trophy 
who  was  once  chief  over  many  States,  adorned  with  virtue,  and 
learning,  and  truth  ;  he  has  borne  at  his  chariot-wheels  a  renowned 
one  of  the  earth. 

"  There  was  no  incident  in  the  birth,  the  life,  the  death  of  Mr. 
Adams,  not  intimately  woven  with  the  history  of  the  land.  Born  in 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY"    ADAMS.  341 

the  night  of  his  country's  tribulation,  he  heard  the  first  murmurs  of 
discontent ;  he  saw  the  first  efforts  for  deliverance.  Whilst  yet  a 
little  child,  he  listened  with  eagerness  to  the  whispers  of  freedom  as 
they  breathed  from  the  lips  of  her  almost  inspired  apostles  :  he  caught 
the  fire  that  was  then  kindled  ;  his  eye  beamed  with  the  first  ray ; 
he  watched  the  day  spring  from  on  high,  and  long  before  he  departed 
from  earth,  it  was  graciously  vouchsafed  unto  him  to  behold  the 
effulgence  of  her  noontide  glory.  ******* 

"  He  disrobed  himself  with  dignity  of  the  vestures  of  office,  not  to 
retire  to  the  shades  of  Quincy,  but,  in  the  maturity  of  his  intellect, 
in  the  vigor  of  his  thought,  to  leap  into  this  arena,  and  to  continue, 
as  he  had  begun,  a  disciple,  an  ardent  devotee  at  the  temple  of  his 
country's  freedom.  How,  in  this  department,  he  ministered  to  his 
country's  wants,  we  all  know,  and  have  witnessed.  How  often  we 
have  crowded  into  that  aisle,  and  clustered  around  that  now  vacant 
desk ,  to  listen  to  the  counsels  of  wisdom,  as  they  fell  from  the  lips 
of  tie  venerable  sage,  we  can  all  remember,  for  it  was  but  of  yes- 
terd  ly.  But  what  a  change  !  How  wondrous  !  how  sudden ! 
'Tii  like  a  vision  of  the  night.  That  form  which  we  beheld  but  a 
fe\\  days  since,  is  now  cold  in  death  ! 

"  But  the  last  Sabbath,  and  in  this  hall,  he  worshipped  with  others. 
NoxV  his  spirit  mingles  with  the  noble  army  of  martyrs,  and  the  just 
ma-le  perfect,  in  the  eternal  adoration  of  the  living  God.  With  him 
"  this  is  the  end  of  earth."  He  sleeps  the  sleep  that  knows  no 
waking.  He  is  gone — and  forever  !  The  sun  that  ushers  in  the 
morn  of  that  next  holy  day,  while  it  gilds  the  lofty  dome  of  the  cap- 
itol,  shall  rest  with  soft  and  mellow  light  upon  the  consecrated  spot 
beneath  whose  turf  forever  lies  the  PATRIOT  FATHER  and  the  PA 
TRIOT  SAGE  !" 


The  following  resolutions  were  unanimously  passed 
by  the  House  of  Representatives : — 

"  Resolved,  That  this  House  has  heard  with  the  deepest  sensibil 
ity,  of  the  death  in  this  capitol  of  JOHN  QUINCT  ADAMS,  a  Member 
of  the  House  from  the  State  of  Massachusetts.  . 

"  Resolved,  That,  as  a  testimony  of  respect  for  the  memory  of 
this  distinguished  statesman,  the  officers  and  members  of  the  House 
O  22 


342  LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS. 

will  wear  the  usual  badge  of  mourning,  and  attend  the  funeral  in 
his  hall  on  Saturday  next,  at  12  o'clock. 

"  Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  thirty  be  appointed  to  superintend 
Jie  funeral  solemnities. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  proceedings  of  this  House  in  relation  to  the 
death  of  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  be  communicated  to  the  family  of  tho 
deceased  by  the  Clerk. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  seat  in  this  hall  just  vacated  by  the  death  of 
the  late  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  be  unoccupied  for  thirty  days,  and 
that  it,  together  with  the  hall,  remain  clothed  with  the  symbol  ol' 
mourning  during  that  time. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  Speaker  appoint  one  member  of  this  House 
from  each  State  and  Territory,  as  a  committee  to  escort  the  remains 
of  our  venerable  friend,  the  Honorable  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS,  to  the 
place  designated  by  his  friends  for  his  interment. 

"  Resolved,  That  this  House,  as  a  further  mark  of  respect  for  tho 
memory  of  the  deceased,  do  adjourn  to  Saturday  next,  the  day  ap 
pointed  for  the  funeral." 

In  the  Senate,  after  a  formal  annunciation  of  the 
death  of  Mr.  Adams,  in  a  message  from  the  House  of 
Representatives,  Mr.  Davis,  of  Massachusetts,  arose 
and  delivered  a  feeling  address,  on  the  life  and  ser 
vices  of  the  deceased  patriot.  The  following  are 
extracts  :— 

"  Mr.  President :  By  the  recent  affliction  of  my  colleague,  (Mr. 
Webster,)  a  painful  duty  devolves  upon  me.  The  message  just 
delivered  from  the  House  proves  that  the  hand  of  God  has  been 
again  among  us.  A  great  and  good  man  has  gone  from  our  midst. 
If,  in  speaking  of  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS,  I  can  give  utterance  to  the 
language  of  my  own  heart,  I  am  confident  I  shall  meet  with  a  re 
sponse  from  the  Senate. 

"  He  was  born  in  the  then  Province  of  Massachusetts,  while  she 
was  girding  herself  for  the  great  revolutionary  struggle  which  was 
then  before  her.  His  parentage  is  too  well  known  to  need  even  an 
allusion ;  yet  I  may  be  pardoned  if  I  say,  that  his  father  seemed 
born  to  aid  in  the  establishment  of  our  free  Government,  and  hia 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS.  343 

mother  was  a  suitable  companion  and  co-laborer  of  such  a  patriot. 
The  cradle  hymns  of  the  child  were  the  songs  of  liberty.  The 
power  and  competence  of  man  for  self-government  were  the  topics 
which  he  most  frequently  heard  discussed  by  the  wise  men  of  the 
day,  and  the  inspiration  thus  caught  gave  form  and  pressure  to  his 
after  life.  Thus  early  imbued  with  the  love  of  free  institutions,  ed 
ucated  by  his  father  for  the  service  of  his  country,  and  early  led  by 
WASHINGTON  to  its  altar,  he  has  stood  before  the  world  as  one  of 
'is  eminent  statesmen.  He  has  occupied,  in  turn,  almost  every 
place  of  honor  which  the  country  could  give  him,  and  for  more  than 
half  a  century,  has  been  thus  identified  with  its  history.  ***** 

"  It  is  believed  to  have  been  the  earnest  wish  of  his  heart  to  die, 
like  Chatham,  in  the  midst  of  his  labors.  It  was  a  sublime  thought, 
that  where  he  had  toilod  in  the  house  of  the  nation,  in  hours  of  the 
day  devoted  to  its  service,  the  stroke  of  death  should  reach  him,  and 
there  sever  the  ties  of  love  and  patriotism  which  bound  him  to  earth. 
He  fell  in  his  seat,  attacked  by  paralysis,  of  which  he  had  before 
been  a  subject.  To  describe  the  scene  which  ensued  would  be  im 
possible.  It  was  more  than  the  spontaneous  gush  of  feeling  which 
all  such  events  call  forth,  so  much  to  the  honor  of  our  nature.  It 
was  the  expression  of  reverence  for  his  moral  worth,  of  admiration 
for  his  great  intellectual  endowments,  and  of  veneration  for  his  age 
and  public  services.  All  gathered  round  the  sufferer,  and  the  strong 
sympathy  and  deep  feeling  which  were  manifested,  showed  that  the 
business  of  the  House  (which  was  instantly  adjourned)  was  for 
gotten  amid  the  distressing  anxieties  of  the  moment.  He  was  soon 
removed  to  the  apartment  of  the  Speaker,  where  he  remained  sur 
rounded  by  afflicted  friends  till  the  weary  clay  resigned  its  immortal 
spirit.  '  This  is  the  end  of  earth  !'  Brief  but  emphatic  words 
They  were  among  the  last  uttered  by  the  dying  Christian." 

When  Mr.  Davis  had  concluded  his  remarks,  Mr. 
Benton,  of  Missouri,  delivered  a  most  beautiful  eulogy 
on  the  character  of  Mr.  Adams.  He  said  : — 

"  Mr.  President :  The  voice  of  his  native  State  has  been  heard, 
through  one  of  the  Senators  of  Massachusetts,  announcing  the  death 
of  her  aged  and  most  distinguished  son.  The  voice  of  the  other 


344  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY     ADAMS. 

Senator,  (Mr.  Webster,)  is  not  heard,  nor  is  his  presence  seen. 
A  domestic  calamity,  known  to  us  all,  and  felt  by  us  all,  confines 
him  to  the  chamber  of  private  grief,  while  the  Senate  is  occupied 
with  the  public  manifestations  of  a  respect  and  sorrow  which  a  na 
tional  loss  inspires.  In  the  absence  of  that  Senator,  and  as  the 
member  of  this  body  longest  here,  it  is  not  unfitting  or  unbecoming 
in  me  to  second  the  motion  which  has  been  made  for  extending  the 
last  honors  of  the  Senate  to  him  who,  forty-five  years  ago,  was  a 
member  of  this  body,  who,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  was  among  the 
oldest  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  who,  putting 
the  years  of  his  service  together,  was  the  oldest  of  all  the  member!! 
of  the  American  Government. 

"  The  eulogium  of  Mr.  Adams  is  made  in  the  facts  of  his  life. 
which  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  (Mr.  Davis)  has  so  strik 
ingly  stated,  that,  from  early  manhood  to  octogenarian  age,  he  has 
been  constantly  and  most  honorably  employed  in  the  public  service. 
For  a  period  of  more  than  fifty  years,  from  the  time  of  his  first  ap 
pointment  as  Minister  abroad  under  Washington,  to  his  last  election 
to  the  House  of  Representatives  by  the  people  of  his  native  district, 
he  has  been  constantly  retained  in  the  public  service,  and  that,  not 
by  the  favor  of  a  Sovereign,  or  by  hereditary  title,  but  by  the  elec 
tions  and  appointments  of  republican  Government.  This  fact  makes 
the  eulogy  of  the  illustrious  deceased.  For  what,  except  a  union 
of  all  the  qualities  which  command  the  esteem  and  confidence  of 
man,  could  have  ensured  a  public  service  so  long,  by  appointments 
free  and  popular,  and  from  sources  so  various  and  exalted  ?  Minis 
ter  many  times  abroad  ;  member  of  this  body ;  member  of  the  House 
of  Representatives ;  cabinet  Minister ;  President  of  the  United 
States ;  such  has  been  the  galaxy  of  his  splendid  appointments. 
And  what  but  moral  excellence  the  most  perfect — intellectual  abil 
ity  the  most  eminent — fidelity  the  most  unwavering — service  the 
most  useful,  could  have  commanded  such  a  succession  of  appoint 
ments  so  exalted,  and  from  sources  so  various  and  so  eminent  ? 
Nothing  less  could  have  commanded  such  a  series  of  appointments ; 
and  accordingly  we  see  the  union  of  all  these  great  qualities  in  him 
who  has  received  them. 

"In  this  long  career  of  public  service  Mr.  Adams  was  distin 
guished  not  only  by  faithful  attention  to  all  the  great  duties  of  his 
stations,  but  to  all  their  less  and  minor  duties.  He  was  not  the 


'LIFE  OF  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS.  345 

Salaminia'n  galley,  to  be  launched  only  on  extraordinary  occasions, 
bat  he  was  the  ready  vessel,  always  launched  when  the  duties  of 
his  station  required  it,  be  the  occasion  great  or  small.  As  Pres 
ident,  as  cabinet  Minister,  as  Minister  abroad,  he  examined  all  ques 
tions  that  came  before  him,  and  examined  all  in  all  their  parts,  in 
all  the  minutiae  of  their  detail,  as  well  as  in  all  the  vastness  of  their 
comprehension.  As  Senator,  and  as  a  member  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  the  obscure  committee-room  was  as  much  the 
witness  of  his  laborious  application  to  the  drudgery  of  legislation, 
as  the  halls  of  the  two  Houses  were  to  the  ever  ready  speech,  re 
plete  with  knowledge,  which  instructed  all  hearers,  enlightened  all 
subjects,  and  gave  dignity  and  ornament  to  debate. 

"In  the  observance  of  all  the  proprieties  of  life,  Mr.  Adams  was 
a  most  noble  and  impressive  example.  He  cultivated  the  minor  as 
well  as  the  greater  virtues.  Wherever  his  presence  could  give  aid 
and  countenance  to  what  was  useful  and  honorable  to  man,  there 
he  was.  In  the  exercises  of  the  school  and  of  the  college — in  the 
meritorious  meetings  of  the  agricultural,  mechanical,  and  com 
mercial  societies — in  attendance  upon  Divine  worship — he  gave  the 
punctual  attendance  rarely  seen  but  in  those  who  are  free  from  the 
weight  of  public  cares. 

"  Punctual  to  every  duty,  death  found  him  at  the  post  of  duty  ; 
and  where  else  could  it  have  found  him,  at  any  stage  of  his  career, 
for  the  fifty  years  of  his  illustrious  public  life  ?  From  the  time  of 
nis  first  appointment  by  Washington  to  his  last  election  by  the 
people  of  his  native  town,  where  could  death  have  found  him  but 
at  the  post  of  duty  ?  At  that  post,  in  the  fullness  of  age,  in  the 
ripeness  of  renown,  crowned  with  honors,  surrounded  by  his  family, 
his  friends,  and  admirers,  and  in  the  very  presence  of  the  national 
representation,  he  has  been  gathered  to  his  fathers,  leaving  behind 
him  the  memory  of  public  services  which  are  the  history  of  his 
country  for  half  a  century,  and  the  example  of  a  life,  public  and 
private,  which  should  be  the  study  and  the  model  of  the  generations 
of  his  countrymen." 


At  the  conclusion  of  Mr.  Benton's  address,  the  fol 
lowing   resolutions,   introduced   by   Mr.  Davis,  were 
passed  by  the  Senate  : — 


c46  LIFE    OF    JOHN    dUINCY    ADAMS. 

"  Resolved,  That  the  Senate  has  received  with  deep  sensibility 
the  message  from  the  House  of  Representatives  announcing  the 
death  of  the  Hon.  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS,  a  Representative  from  the 
State  of  Massachusetts. 

"  Resolved,  That,  in  token  of  respect  for  the  memory  of  the  de 
ceased,  the  Senate  will  attend  his  funeral  at  the  hour  appointed  by 
the  House  of  Representatives,  and  will  wear  the  usual  badge  of 
mourning  for  thirty  days. 

"  Resolved,  That,  as  a  further  mark  of  respect  for  the  memory 
of  the  deceased,  the  Senate  do  now  adjourn  until  Saturday  next,  the 
time  appointed  for  the  funeral." 

President  Polk  issued  a  Proclamation  announcing 
to  the  nation  its  bereavement,  and  directing  the  sus 
pension  of  all  public  business  for  the  day.  The  public 
offices  were  clothed  in  mourning.  Orders  were  issued 
from  the  War  and  Navy  Departments,  directing  that 
at  every  military  and  naval  station,  on  the  day  after 
the  order  should  be  received,  the  honors  customary  to 
the  illustrious  dead  should  be  paid. 

At  12  o'clock  on  Saturday,  the  26th  of  February, 
the  funeral  took  place  in  the  capitol.  It  was  a  solemn, 
an  imposing  scene.  The  Hall  of  Representatives  was 
hung  in  sable  habiliments.  The  portraits  of  Washing 
ton  and  La  Fayette,  the  beautiful  statue  of  the  Muse 
of  History  in  the  car  of  Time,  and  the  vacant  chair 
of  the  deceased,  were  wreathed  in  crape.  In  the 
midst,  and  the  most  conspicuous  of  all,  was  the  coffin 
containing  the  remains  of  the  illustrious  dead,  covered 
with  its  velvet  pall.  The  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  Heads  of  Departments,  the  Members 
of  both  Houses  of  Congress,  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS.  347 

Court,  the  Foreign  Ministers,  Officers  of  the  Army  and 
Navy,  Members  of  State  Legislatures,  and  an  immense 
concourse  of  the  great,  the  wise,  and  the  good,  were 
present,  to  bestow  honor  on  all  that  remained  of  the 
statesman,  the  philosopher,  and  the  Christian. 

A  discourse  was  delivered  on  the  occasion,  by  the 
Rev.  R.  R.  Gurley,  chaplain  to  the  House  of  Represent 
atives,  from  Job  xi.  17,  18 — "And  thine  age  shall  be 
clearer  than  the  noon-day ;  thou  shalt  shine  forth,  thou 
shalt  be  as  the  morning :  and  thou  shalt  be  secure, 
because  there  is  hope."  The  following  are  extracts 
from  the  sermon  : — 

"  In  some  circumstances,  on  some  occasions,  we  most  naturally 
express  our  emotions  in  silence  and  in  tears.  What  voice  of  man 
can  add  to  the  impressiveness  and  solemnity  of  this  scene  ?  The 
presence  and  aspect  of  this  vast  assembly,  the  Chief  Magistrate, 
Counsellors,  Judges,  Senators,  and  Representatives  of  the  nation, 
distinguished  officers  of  the  army  and  the  navy,  and  the  honored  Am 
bassadors  from  foreign  powers, — these  symbols  and  badges  of  a  uni 
versal  mourning,  darkening  this  hall  into  sympathy  with  our  sorrow, 
leave  no  place  for  the  question, '  Know  ye  not  that,  a  prince  and  a 
great  man  is  fallen  in  Israel  ?'  Near  to  us,  indeed,  has  come  the  in 
visible  hand  of  the  Almighty — that  hand  in  which  is  the  soul  of  every 
living  thing,  and  the  breath  of  all  mankind ;  in  this  very  hall,  from 
yonder  seat,  which  he  so  long  occupied,  in  the  midst  of  the  repre 
sentatives  of  the  people,  has  it  taken  one  full  of  years  and  honors, 
eminent,  for  more  than  half  a  century,  in  various  departments  of  the 
public  service  ;  who  adorned  every  station,  even  the  highest,  by  his 
abilities  and  virtues ;  and  whose  influence,  powerful  in  its  benefi 
cence,  is  felt  in  many,  if  not  in  all  the  States  of  the  civilized 
world.  ***** 

"  Not  more  certainly  is  the  body  invigorated  and  preserved  by 
suitable  food,  by  manly  exercises,  by  the  vital  air,  than  are  the  in 
tellectual  and  moral  faculties  by  the  investigation  and  reception  of 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

divine  truths,  by  habits  of  obedience  to  the  divine  will,  by  cheerful 
submission  to  the  order  and  discipline  of  Divine  Providence.  Nor 
let  us  ever  distrust  the  Father  of  our  spirits,  who  knows  perfectly 
all  the  wants  of  our  nature,  but  rest  assured  that  his  command 
ments  in  the  sacred  Scriptures  are  entirely  in  harmony  with  the  de 
crees  of  his  providence  ;  and  that  as  to  fear  Him  and  keep  His 
commandments  is  the  whole  duty  (because  the  highest  duty,  and 
comprehending  all  others),  so  will  it  prove  the  whole  and  eternal 
happiness  of  man.  If  the  indissoluble  and  harmonious  connection 
between  the  laws  of  nature,  of  Providence  and  the  moral  law,  be 
not  always  obvious,  it  is  always  certain.  Over  all  the  darkness, 
disturbances,  and  evils  of  the  world  shines  revealed,  more  or  less 
clearly,  like  the  serene  and  cheerful  heavens,  this  immutable  law, 
binding  virtue,  however  obscure,  persecuted,  or  forsaken,  to  re 
ward  ;  duty,  however  humble  or  arduous,  to  happiness.  Hence  the 
declaration,  that  all  things  shall  work  together  for  good  to  them  who 
love  God,  and  that  all  things  are  theirs — the  past  and  future,  tbings 
temporal  and  spiritual,  prosperity  and  adversity,  angels,  and  princi 
palities,  and  powers,  and  God  himself,  in  all  the  resources  of  his 
wisdom  and  all  the  eternity  of  his  reign. 

"  How  shone  out,  clear  as  the  noonday,  yet  mild  and  gentle  as 
the  morning,  even  in  age,  in  the  life  and  character  of  that  great  and 
venerable  man,  around  whose  precious,  but,  alas  !  inanimate  form 
we  all  press  in  gratitude,  admiration,  and  love,  those  high  virtues 
derived  from  faith  in  God,  and  nurtured  by  his  revealed  truth,  this 
bereaved  Congress,  and,  I  may  add,  this  nation  witnesses.  ****** 

"  Truly  emblematic  of  his  moral  integrity  and  strength  of  char 
acter  would  be  the  granite  column  from  his  native  hills,  one  and 
entire,  just  in  its  proportions,  towering  in  its  height,  immoveable  in 
its  foundations,  and  pointing  to  Heaven  as  the  temple  and  throne  of 
everlasting  authority,  the  final  refuge,  the  imperishable  home  of  all 
regenerated  and  faithful  souls. 

"  Independence  of  mere  human  authority  in  the  use  of  his  reason, 
on  all  subjects,  was  united  witli  veneration  most  sincere  arid  pro 
found  for  the  sacred  Scriptures,  as  a  supernatural  revelation  from 
God,  '  whose  prerogative  extends  not  less  to  the  reason  than  the 
will  of  man,'  and  from  a  daily  perusal  of  the  Divine  Word,  and  a 
constant  and  devout  attendance  upon  the  public  worship  of  the 
Sabbath,  although  differing  on  some  points  from  common  opinions, 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  349 

he  cherished  enlarged  views  of  Christian  communion,  and  recog 
nized  in  most,  if  not  all  the  religious  denominations  of  this  coun 
try,  members  of  one  and  the  same  family  and  kingdom  of  Jesus 
Christ.  ******* 

"  Alas,  the  sad  and  appalling  ruins  of  death  !  *  This  is  the  end 
of  earth.'  Approach !  lovers  of  pleasure,  seekers  after  wisdom, 
aspirants,  by  pre-eminence  in  station,  and  power,  and  influence 
among  men,  to  fame ;  see  the  end  of  human  distinctions  and  earthly 
greatness  !  Surely  man  walketh  in  a  vain  show ;  surely  man  in 
his  best  estate  is  altogether  vanity.  How  pertinent  to  this  scene 
the  words  of  Job :  '  He  leadeth  princes  away  spoiled,  and  over- 
throweth  the  mighty.  He  removeth  away  the  speech  of  the  trusty, 
and  taketh  away  the  understanding  of  the  aged.  He  discovereth 
deep  things  out  of  darkness,  and  bringeth  out  to  light  the  shadow 
of  death !'  How,  indeed,  is  the  mighty  fallen,  and  the  head  of 
the  wise  laid  low  !  All  flesh  is  grass — all  the  glory  of  man  as  the 
flower  of  the  field.  And  shall  this  vast  congregation  soon  be  brought 
to  the  grave — that  house  appointed  for  all  the  living  ?  Hear,  then, 
the  great  announcement  of  the  Son  of  God  :  '  I  am  the  resurrec 
tion  and  the  life,  and  whosoever  believeth  in  me,  though  he  were 
dead  yet  shall  he  live,  and  whosoever  liveth  and  believeth  in  me 
shall  never  die.'  Is  it  strange  that  he  who  communed  so  much 
with  the  future  as  the  great  statesman  to  whose  virtues  and  mem 
ory  we  now  pay  this  sad,  final,  solemn  tribute  of  honor  and  affec 
tion,  should,  in  the  last  conversation  I  ever  had  with  him,  ha^  e  ex 
pressed  both  regret  and  astonishment  at  the  indifference  among  too 
many  of  our  public  men  to  the  truths  and  ordinances  of  our  holy 
religion  ?  Is  it  to  affect  our  hearts  that  he  has  been  permitted  to 
fall  in  the  midst  of  us,  to  arouse  us  from  this  insensibility,  and 
cause  us  to  press  towards  the  gates  of  the  eternal  city  of  God  ?  Let 
us  bless  God  for  another  great  example  to  shine  upon  us,  that  an 
other  star  (we  humbly  trust)  is  planted  amid  the  heavenly  constella 
tions  to  guide  us  to  eternity  !" 


At  the  conclusion  of  the  exercises  in  the  capitol,  a 
vast  procession,  escorted  by  military  companies,  con 
veyed    the    remains    to    the   Congressional    burying 
O* 


350  LIFE    OF    JOHN   GIUINCY    ADAMS. 

ground,  where  they  were  to  rest  until  preparations  foi 
their  removal  to  Quincy  should  be  completed. 

"  Sad  was  the  pomp  that  yesterday  beheld, 
As  with  the  mourner's  heart  the  anthem  swelled ; 
The  rich-plumed  canopy,  the  gorgeous  pall, 
The  sacred  march,  and  sable  vested  wall ! — 
These  were  not  rites  of  inexpressive  show, 
But  hallowed  as  the  types  of  real  woe  ! 
Illustrious  deceased  !  a  NATION'S  sighs, 
A  NATION'S  HEART,  went  with  thine  obsequies!" 

The  following  letter  of  thanks  from  Mrs.  Adams, 
addressed  to  the  Speaker,  was  laid  before  the  House  of 
Representatives : — 

"  Washington,  February  29,  1848. 

"  SIR  :  The  resolutions  in  honor  of  rny  dear  deceased  husband, 
passed  by  the  illustrious  assembly  over  which  you  preside,  and  of 
which  he  at  the  moment  of  his  death  was  a  member,  have  been  duly 
communicated  to  me. 

"  Penetrated  with  grief  at  this  distressing  event  of  my  life, 
mourning  the  loss  of  one  who  has  been  at  once  my  example  and 
my  support  through  the  trials  of  half  a  century,  permit  me  never 
theless  to  express  through  you  my  deepest  gratitude  for  the  signal 
manner  in  which  the  public  regard  has  been  voluntarily  mani 
fested  by  your  honorable  body,  and  the  consolation  derived  to  me 
and  mine  from  the  reflection  that  the  unwearied  efforts  of  an  old 
public  servant  have  not  even  in  this  world  proved  without  their  re 
ward  in  the  generous  appreciation  of  them  by  his  country. 
"  With  great  respect,  I  remain,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

"  LOUISA  CATHARINE  ADAMS." 

On  the  following  week,  the  Committee  01  one  from 
each  State  and  Territory  in  the  Union,  appointed  by 
the  House  of  Representatives  to  take  charge  of  the 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS.  351 

remains  of  the  deceased  ex-President,  and  convey 
them  to  Quincy  for  final  interment,  commenced  their 
journey.  It  was  a  new,  yet  inexpressibly  thrilling  and 
imposing  spectacle.  The  dead  body  of  "the  Old  Man 
Eloquent,"  surrounded  and  guarded  by  a  son  of  each 
of  the  States  and  Territories  of  that  Union  which  he 
had  so  largely  assisted  in  consolidating  and  sustaining, 
leaves  the  capitol  of  the  nation,  where  for  more  than 
thirty  years  he  had  acted  the  most  conspicuous  part 
among  the  fathers  of  the  land,  to  rest  in  the  tomb  of 
its  ancestors,  amid  the  venerable  shades  of  Quincy. 
How  solemn  the  progress  of  such  a  procession.  It 
was  indeed,  "  the  Funeral  March  of  the  Dead !" 
Wherever  it  passed,  the  people  rose  up  and  paid  the 
utmost  marks  of  respect  to  the  remains  of  one  who 
had  occupied  so  large  a  space  in  the  history  of  his 
country.  In  towns,  in  villages,  in  cities,  as  the  mourn 
ful  cortege  swept  through,  business  was  suspended, 
flags  were  displayed  at  half  mast,  bells  were  tolled, 
minute  guns  were  fired,  civil  and  military  processions 
received  the  sacred  remains,  and  watched  over  them 
by  night  and  by  day,  and  passed  them  on  from  State 
to  State. 

~~ft  What  a  progress  was  it  which  the  dead  patriot 
thus  made  !  From  the  capitol  of  the  nation,  beneath 
whose  dome,  and  while  at  his  post  of  duty,  he  was 
seized  by  death — within  sight  almost  of  that  Mount 
Vernon  where  repose  the  ashes  of  him,  the  Father  of 
his  Country,  who  first  distinguished,  encouraged  and 


352  LIFE    OF    JOHN    aUINCY    ADAMS. 

employed  the  extraordinary  capacity  of  the  youthful 
Adams — through  cities  that  in  his  life  time  have  grown 
up  from  villages — passing,  at  Baltimore,  almost  beneath 
the  shadow  of  the  monument  which  there  testifies  of 
the  valor  of  those  who  fell  for  country  in  the  war  of 
1812 — and  in  Philadelphia  halting  and  reposing  within 
the  hall  where  his  great  father,  John  Adams,  had  fear 
lessly  stood  for  Independence,  and  where  Independence 
was  proclaimed — the  dead  passed  on,  everywhere  fol 
lowed  by  the  reverential  gaze  and  the  mourning  heart, 
till,  reaching  the  great  metropolis  of  New  York,  where 
the  same  father  had  been  sworn  in  and  taken  his  seat, 
as  the -first  Vice  President  of  the  United  States,  with 
George  Washington  for  President !  Thence  away  the 
march  was  resumed,  till  it  reached  old  Faneuil  Hall — 
the  cradle  of  American  liberty,  the  fitting  final  resting- 
place,  while  yet  unburied,  of  the  body  of  one  in  whose 
heart,  at  no  moment  of  life,  did  the  love  of  liberty,  im 
bibed  or  strengthened  in  that  hall,  suffer  the  slightest 
abatement."* 

Faneuil  Hall  was  clothed  in  the  dark  drapery  of 
mourning,  fitting  to  receive  the  body  of  one  of  the 
greatest  of  the  many  noble  sons  of  the  venerable  Bay 
State.  Amid  solemn  dirges  and  appropriate  cere 
monies,  the  chairman  of  the  Congressional  Committee 
surrendered  to  a  Committee  from  the  Legislature  of 
Massachusetts,  the  sacred  remains  they  had  accom 
panied  from  the  capitol  of  the  United  States. — 

*  King's  Eulogy. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS.  353 

"Throughout  the  journey/'  said  the  chairman,  " there 
have  been  displayed  manifestations  of  the  highest  ad 
miration  and  respect  for  the  memory  of  your  late  dis 
tinguished  fellow-citizen.  In  the  large  cities  through 
which  we  expected  to  pass,  we  anticipated  such  de 
monstrations  ;  but  in  every  village  and  hamlet,  at  the 
humblest  cottage  which  we  passed,  and  from  the 
laborers  in  the  field,  the  same  profound  respect  was 
testified  by  their  uncovered  heads." 

The  Committee  of  the  Massachusetts  Legislature 
having  thus  received  the  body  from  its  Congressional 
escort,  in  turn  surrendered  it  to  the  keeping  of  the 
municipal  authorities  of  Boston,  for  burial  at  Qumcy. 
This  ceremony  was  performed  by  Mr.  Buckingham, 
chairman  of  the  Legislative  Committee,  in  these  im 
pressive  words : — 

"  In  the  name  and  behalf  of  the  Government  and  People  of  the 
Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts,  whose  honored  but  humble  ser 
vant  I  this  day  am,  I  consign  to  your  faithful  keeping,  Mr.  Mayor, 
the  remains  of  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS — all  that  was  mortal  of  that 
venerable  man,  whose  age  and  whose  virtues  had  rendered  him  an 
object  of  intense  interest  and  admiration  to  his  country  and  to  the 
world.  We  place  these  sacred  remains  in  your  possession,  to  be 
conveyed  to  tlfeir  appointed  home — to  sleep  in  the  sepulchre  and 
with  the  dust  of  his  fathers." 

Mr.  Quincy.  the  Mayor,  in  accepting  the  guardian 
ship  conferred  upon  him  in  behalf  of  the  city  of  Boston, 
replied  in  the  following  terms  : — 

"  There  is  something  sublime  in  the  scene  that  surrounds  us. 
An  honored  son  of  Massachusetts— one  who  was  educated  by  a 


354  LIFE    OF    JOHN    QUINCY    ADAMS. 

signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence — one  who  heard  the 
thunder  of  the  groat  struggle  for  liberty  on  yonder  hill,  has,  after  a 
life  of  unparalleled  usefulness  and  fidelity,  fallen  in  the  capitol  of 
the  country  he  served.  His  remains  were  escorted  here  by  dele 
gates  from  every  State  in  the  Union.  They  have  passed  over  spots 
ever  memorable  in  history.  They  have  everywhere  been  received 
with  funeral  honors.  They  have  reposed  in  the  hall  of  independ 
ence.  They  now  lie  in  the  cradle  of  liberty.  As  a  citizen  of  Mas 
sachusetts,  I  cannot  but  acknowledge  our  sense  of  the  honor  paid 
to  her  distinguished  son.  Mourned  by  a  nation  at  its  capitol,  at 
tended  by  the  representatives  of  millions  to  the  grave,  he  has  re 
ceived  a  tribute  to  his  memory  unequalled  among  men. 

"  These  remains  now  rest  in  the  cradle  of  liberty.  It  is  their 
last  resting-place  on  their  journey  home.  As  a  statesman's,  'this 
is  to  them  the  last  of  earth  !'  To-morrow  they  will  be  deposited  in 
the  peaceful  church-yard  of  the  village  of  his  birth,  there  to  be 
mourned,  not  as  statesmen  mourn  for  statesmen,  but  as  friends 
mourn  for  friends. 

"  Pie  will  be  '  gathered  to  his  fathers  !'  And  how  great,  in  this 
case,  is  the  significance  of  the  expression  !  It  is  possible  that  other 
men  may  be  attended  as  he  will  be  to  the  grave.  But  when  again 
shall  the  tomb  of  a  President  of  the  United  States  open  its  doors  to 
receive  a  son  who  has  filled  the  same  office  ?" 

On  the  following  day,  the  body,  under  the  charge  of 
the  municipal  officers  of  Boston,  was  conveyed  to 
Quincy.  In  the  Unitarian  church,  in  the  presence  of 
old  neighbors  and  friends,  the  last  funeral  exercises 
were  held,  and  the  last  sad  burial  service  was  per 
formed. 

By  the  side  of  the  graves  of  his  fathers,  over 
shadowed  by  aged  trees,  which  had  sheltered  his  head 
in  the  days  of  boyhood,  in  a  plain  tomb,  prepared 
under  his  own  direction,  and  inscribed  simply  with  his 
name,  sleep  the  ashes  of  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 


LIFE    OF    JOHN    ClUINCY    ADAMS.  355 

"  Let  no  weak  drops 

Be  shed  for  him.     The  virgin  in  her  bloom 
Cut  off,  the  joyous  youth,  and  darling  child, 
These  are  the  tombs  that  claim  the  tender  tear 
And  elegiac  songs.     But  Adams  calls 
For  other  notes  of  gratulation  high  ; 
That  now  he  wanders  thro'  those  endless  worlds 
He  here  so  well  descried  ;  and,  wondering,  talks 
And  hymns  their  Author  with  his  glad  compeers. 
Columbia's  boast !   whether  with  angels  thou 
Sittest  in  dread  discourse,  or  fellow  blest 
Who  joy  to  see  the  honor  of  their  kind  ; 
Or  whether,  mounted  on  cherubic  wing, 
Thy  swift  career  is  with  the  whirling  orbs, 
Comparing  things  with  things,  in  rapture  lost, 
And  grateful  adoration  for  that  light 
So  plenteous  ray'd  into  thy  mind  below 
From  Light  himself — oh  !  look  with  pity  down 
On  human  kind,  a  frail,  erroneous  race  ! 
Exalt  the  spirit  of  a  downward  world  ! 
O'er  thy  dejected  country  chief  preside, 
And  be  her  Genius  called  !  her  studies  raise, 
Correct  her  manners,  and  inspire  her  youth ; 
For,  though  deprav'd  and  sunk,  she  brought  thee  forth, 
And  glories  in  thy  name.     She  points  thee  out 
To  all  her  sons,  and  bids  them  eye  thy  star — 
Thy  star,  which,  followed  steadfastly,  shall  lead 
To  wisdom,  virtue,  glory  here,  and  joy 
Unspeakable  in  worlds  to  come." 


EULOGY.* 


WE  are  in  the  midst  of  extraordinary  events.  British- 
American  Civilization  and  Spanish-American  Society 
have  come  into  collision,  each  in  its  fullest  maturity. 
The  armies  of  the  Xorth  have  penetrated  the  chappa- 
rels  at  Palo  Alto  and  Resaca  de  la  Palma — passed  the 
fortresses  of  Monterey,  and  rolled  back  upon  the  heart 
of  Mexico  the  unavailing  tide  of  strong  resistance  from 
the  mountain-side  of  Buena  Vista.  Martial  colonists 
are  encamped  on  the  coasts  of  California,  while  San 
Juan  d'Ulloa  has  fallen,  and  the  invaders  have  swept 
the  gorge  of  Cerro  Gordo — carried  Perote  and  Puebla, 
and  planted  the  banner  of  burning  stars  and  ever- 
multiplying  stripes  on  the  towers  of  the  city  of  the 
Aztecs. 

The  thirtieth  Congress  assembles  in  this  conjunc 
ture,  and  the  debates  are  solemn,  earnest,  and  bewil 
dering.  Interest,  passion,  conscience,  freedom,  and 
humanity,  all  have  their  advocates.  Shall  new  .oans 
and  levies  be  granted  to  prosecute  still  farther  a  war 
so  glorious  ?  or  shall  it  be  abandoned  ?  Shall  we  be 

*  Delivered  before  the  Legislature  of  New  York,  by  Wm.  H.  Seward. 
23 


358  EULOGY. 

content  with  the  humiliation  of  the  foe  ?  or  shall  ws 
complete  his  subjugation  ?  Would  that  severity  b3 
magnanimous,  or  even  just?  Nay,  is  the  war  itself 
just?  Who  provoked,  and  by  what  unpardonabb 
offence,  this  disastrous  strife  between  two  eminent 
Republics,  so  scandalous  to  Democratic  Institutions  ? 
Where  shall  we  trace  anew  the  ever-advancing  line  o* 
our  empire  ?  Shall  it  be  drawn  on  the  shore  of  th  3 
Rio  Grande,  or  on  the  summit  of  the  Sierra  Mad  re  ? 
or  shall  Mexican  Independence  be  extinguished,  and 
our  eagle  close  his  adventurous  pinions  only  when  h  3 
looks  off  upon  the  waves  that  separate  us  from  th.) 
Indies  ?  Does  Freedom  own  and  accept  our  profuso 
oblations  of  blood,  or  does  she  reject  the  sacrifice  ' 
Will  these  aonquests  extend  her  domain,  or  will  they 
be  usurped  by  ever-grasping  slavery?  What  effec: 
wrill  this  new-born  ambition  have  upon  ourselves  ? 
Will  it  leave  us  the  virtue  to  continue  the  career  of 
social  progress?  How  shall  we  govern  the  conquered 
people  ?  Shall  \ve  incorporate  their  mingled  races 
with  ourselves,  or  rule  them  with  the  despotism  of  pro 
consular  power  ?  Can  we  preserve  these  remote  and 
hostile  possessions  in  any  way,  without  forfeiting  our 
own  blood-bought  heritage  of  freedom  ? 

Steam  and  lightning,  which  have  become  docile 
messengers,  make  the  American  people  listeners  to  this 
high  debate,  and  anxiety,  and  interest,  intense  and 
universal,  absorb  them  all.  Suddenly  the  council  is 
dissolved.  Silence  is  in  the  capitol,  and  sorrow  has 


EULOGY.  359 

thrown  its  pall  over  the  land.  What  new  event  is 
this  ?  Has  some  Cromwell  closed  the  legislative  cham 
bers  ?  or  has  some  Caesar,  returning  from  his  distant 
conquests,  passed  the  Rubicon,  seized  the  purple,  and 
fallen  in  the  Senate  beneath  the  swords  of  self-appointed 
executioners  of  his  country's  vengeance  ?  No  !  noth 
ing  of  all  this.  What  means,  then,  this  abrupt  and 
fearful  silence  ?  What  unlocked  for  calamity  has 
quelled  the  debates  of  the  Senate  and  calmed  the 
excitement  of  the  people  ?  An  old  man,  whose  tongue 
once  indeed  was  eloquent,  but  now  through  age  had 
well  nigh  lost  its  cunning,  has  fallen  into  the  swoon  of 
death.  He  was  not  an  actor  in  the  drama  of  con 
quest — nor  had  his  feeble  voice  yet  mingled  in  the 
lofty  argument — 

"  A  grey-haired  sire,  whose  eye  intent 
Was  on  the  visioned  future  bent." 

And  now  he  has  dreamed  out  at  last  the  troubled 
dream  of  life.  Sighs  of  unavailing  grief  ascend  to 
Heaven.  Panegyric,  fluent  in  long-stifled  praise,  per 
forms  its  office.  The  army  and  the  navy  pay  conven 
tional  honors,  with  the  pomp  of  national  woe,  and  then 
the  hearse  moves  onward.  It  rests  appropriately,  on 
its  way,  in  the  hall  where  independence  was  proclaimed, 
and  again,  under  the  dome  where  freedom  was  born 
At  length  the  tomb  of  JOHN  ADAMS  opens  to  receive  a 
SON,  who  also,  born  a  subject  of  a  king,  had  stood  as  a 
representative  of  his  emancipated  country,  before  prin- 


360  EULOGY. 

cipalities  and  powers,  and  had  won  by  merit,  and 
worn  without  reproach,  the  honors  of  the  Republic. 

From  that  scene,  so  impressive  in  itself,  and  impres 
sive  because  it  never  before  happened,  and  can  never 
happen  again,  we  have  come  up  to  this  place  sur 
rounded  with  the  decent  drapery  of  public  mourning, 
on  a  day  set  apart  by  authority,  to  recite  the  history 
of  the  citizen,  who,  in  the  ripeness  of  age,  and  fulness 
of  honors,  has  thus  descended  to  his  rest.  It  is  fit  to 
do  so,  because  it  is  by  such  exercises  that  nations  re 
generate  their  early  virtues  and  renew  their  constitu 
tions.  All  nations  must  perpetually  renovate  their 
virtues  and  their  constitutions,  or  perish.  Never  was 
there  more  need  to  renovate  ours  than  now,  when  we 
seem  to  be  passing  from  the  safe  old  policy  of  peace 
and  moderation  into  a  career  of  conquest  and  martial 
renown.  Never  wras  the  duty  of  preserving  our  free 
institutions  in  all  their  purity,  more  obvious  than  it  is 
now,  when  they  have  become  beacons  to  mankind  in 
what  seems  to  be  a  general  dissolution  of  their  ancient 
social  systems. 

The  history  of  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  is  one  that 
opens  no  new  truth  in  the  philosophy  of  virtue  ;  for 
there  is  no  undiscovered  truth  in  that  philosophy.  But 
it  is  a  history  that  sheds  marvellous  confirmation  on 
maxims  which  all  mankind  know,  and  yet  are  prone 
to  undervalue  and  forget.  The  exalted  character 
before  us  was  formed  by  the  combination  of  virtue, 
courage,  assiduity,  and  modesty,  under  favorable  con- 


EULOGY.  361 

ditions,  with  native  talent  and  genius,  and  illustrates 
the  truth,  that  in  morals  as  in  nature,  simplicity  is 
the  chief  element  of  the  sublime. 

John  Quincy  Adams  was  fortunate  in  his  lineage; 
in  the  period,  and  in  the  place  of  his  nativity;  in  all 
the  circumstances  of  education  ;  in  the  age  and  coun 
try  in  which  he  lived  ;  in  the  incidents,  as  well  as  the 
occasions  of  his  public  service ;  and  in  the  period  and 
manner  of  his  death.  He  was  a  descendant  from  one 
of  the  Puritan  planters  of  Massachusetts,  and  a  son  of 
the  most  intrepid  actor  in  the  Revolution  of  Independ 
ence.  Quincy,  the  place  of  his  birth,  is  a  plain, 
bounded  on  the  west  by  towering  granite  hills,  and 
swept  without  defence  by  every  wind  from  the  ocean. 
Its  soil  in  ancient  times  was  as  sterile  as  its  climate  is 
always  rigorous. 

Born  on  the  eleventh  day  of  July,  1767,  in  the  houV 
of  the  agitation  of  rebellion,  and  reared  within  sight 
and  sound  of  gathering  war,  the  earliest  political  ideas 
he  received  were  such  as  John  Adams  then  uttered— 
"  We  must  fight."  "  Sink  or  swim — live  or  die — sur 
vive  or  perish  with  my  country,  is  my  unalterable  de 
termination."  A  mother  fervently  pious,  and  eminent 
in  intellectual  gifts,  directed  with  more  than  maternal 
assiduity  and  solicitude  the  education  of  him  who  was 
to  render  her  o\vn  name  immortal.  Never  quite  di 
vorced  from  home,  yet  twice,  and  for  long  periods  in 
his  youth,  a  visitor  in  Europe,  he  enjoyed  always  the 
parental  discipline  of  one  of  the  founders  of  the  Amer- 


362  EULOGY. 

lean  State,  and  often  the  daily  conversation  of  Franklin 
and  Jefferson  ;  and  combined  travel  in  France,  Spain, 
England,  Holland,  Denmark,  Sweden,  and  Russia, 
and  even  diplomatic  experience,  with  the  instructions 
of  the  schools  of  Paris,  of  the  University  at  Leyden, 
and  of  Harvard  University  at  Cambridge  ;  and  all 
these  influences  fell  upon  him  at  a  period  when  his 
country,  then  opening  the  way  to  human  liberty 
through  trials  of  fire,  fixed  the  attention  of  mankind. 

The  establishment  of  the  Republic  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  is  the  most  important  secular  event 
in  the  history  of  the  human  race.  It  did  not  disen 
tangle  the  confused  theory  of  the  origin  of  Govern-, 
ment,  but  cut  through  the  bonds  of  power  existing  by 
prescription,  at  a  blow  ;  and  thus  directly  and  imme 
diately  affected  the  opinions  and  the  actions  of  men  in 
every  part  of  the  civilized  world.  It  animated  them 
everywhere  to  seek  freedom  from  despotic  power  and 
aristocratic  restraint.  Whenever  and  wherever  they 
have  since  moved,  either  by  peaceful  agitation  or  by 
physical  force,  to  meliorate  systems  of  government, 
whether  in  France  at  the  close  of  the  last  century,  or 
afterward  on  the  second  subversion  of  the  elder  branch 
of  the  Bourbons,  or  in  the  recent  overthrow  of  the 
constitutional  king,  or  in  Ireland,  or  in  England,  or  in 
Italy,  or  in  Greece,  or  in  South  America,  whether  they 
succeeded  or  failed,  there,  in  the  tumult  or  in  the  strife. 
was  the  spirit  of  the  American  Revolution.  "  It  gave 
an  example  of  a  great  people,  not  merely  emancipating 


EULOGY.  363 

themselves,  but  governing  themselves,  without  either  a 
monarch  to  control,  or  an  aristocracy  to  restrain  them  ; 
and  it  demonstrated,  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of 
the  world,  contrary  to  the  predictions  and  theories  of 
speculative  philosophy,  that  a  great  nation,  when  duly 
prepared,  is  capable  of  self-government  by  purely  re 
publican  institutions." 

But  the  establishment  of  the  American  Republic  was 
too  great  an  achievement  to  be  made  all  at  once.  It 
was  a  drama  of  five  grand  acts,  each  of  which  filled  a 
considerable  period,  and  called  upon  the  stage  actors 
of  peculiar  powers  and  distinguished  virtues.  Those 
acts  were,  colonization,  preparation,  revolution,  organ 
ization,  consolidation. 

Two  of  these  acts  were  closed  before  John  Quincy 
Adams  was  born.  The  third,  the  revolution,  the 
shortest  of  them  all,  dazzles  the  contemplation  by  the 
rapidity  and  the  martial  character  of  its  incidents. 
The  fourth,  the  organization  of  the  Government,  by 
the  splendors  of  genius  elicited,  and  the  felicity  of  the 
new  form  of  government  presented,  satisfies  the  super 
ficial  inquirer  that,  when  the  Constitution  had  been 
adopted,  nothing  remained  to  perfect  the  great  achieve 
ment.  But  other  nations  have  had  successful  revolu 
tions,  and  have  set  up  free  constitutions,  and  have  yet 
sunk  again  under  reinvigorated  despotism.  The  CON 
SOLIDATION  of  the  American  Republic — the  crowning 
act- — occupied  forty  years,  reaching  from  1789  to  1829. 
During  that  period,  John  Quincy  Adams  participated 


364  EULOGY. 

continually  in  public  affairs,  and  ultimately  became  the 
principal  actor. 

The  new  Government  was  purely  an  experiment.  In 
opposition  to  the  fixed  habits  of  mankind,  it  established 
suffrage  practically  universal,  and  representation  so 
perfect  that  not  one  Legislative  House  only,  but  both 
Houses  ;  not  legislative  officers  only,  but  all  officers, 
executive,  ministerial,  and  even  judicial,  were  di 
rectly  or  indirectly  elected  by  the  people.  The  longest 
term  of  the  senatorial  trust  was  but  six  years,  and  the 
shortest  only  two,  and  even  the  tenure  of  the  execu 
tive  power  was  only  four  years.  This  Government, 
betraying  so  much  popular  jealousy,  was  invested  with 
only  special  and  limited  sovereignty.  The  conduct 
of  merely  municipal  affairs  was  distributed  within  the 
States,  among  Governments  even  more  popular  than 
the  federal  structure,  and  without  whose  ever-renewed 
support  that  structure  must  fall. 

The  Government  thus  constituted,  so  new,  so  com 
plex  and  artificial,  was  to  be  consolidated,  in  the  midst 
of  difficulties  at  home,  and  of  dangers  abroad.  The 
constitution  had  been  adopted  only  upon  convictions 
of  absolute  necessity,  and  with  evanescent  dispositions 
of  compromise.  By  nearly  half  of  the  people  it  was 
thought  too  feeble  to  sustain  itself,  and  secure  the 
rights  for  which  governments  are  instituted  among 
men.  By  as  many  it  was  thought  liable  to  be  converted 
into  an  over-shadowing  despotism,  more  formidable 
and  more  odious  than  the  monarchy  which  had  been 


EULOGY.  365 

subverted.  These  conflicting  opinions  revealed  them 
selves  in  like  discordance  upon  every  important  ques 
tion  of  administration,  and  were  made  the  basis  of 
parties,  which  soon  became  jealous  and  irreconcilable, 
and  ultimately  inveterate,  and  even  in  some  degree 
disloyal. 

These  domestic  feuds  were  aggravated  by  pernicious 
influences  from  Europe.  In  the  progress  of  western 
civilization,  the  nations  of  the  earth  had  become  social, 
The  new  Republic  could  not,  like  the  Celestial  Empire 
or  that  of  Japan,  confine  itself  within  its  own  bound 
aries,  and  exist  without  national  intercourse.  It  had 
entered  the  family  of  nations.  But  the  position  it  was 
to  assume,  and  the  advantages  it  was  to  be  allowed  to 
enjoy,  were  yet  to  be  ascertained  and  fixed.  Its  inde 
pendence,  confessed  to  be  only  a  doubtful  experiment 
at  home,  was  naturally  thought  ephemeral  in  Europe. 
Its  example  v^  ominous,  and  the  European  Powers 
willingly  believed  that,  if  discountenanced  and  baffled, 
America  would  soon  relapse  into  colonial  subjugation. 
Such  prejudices  were  founded  in  the  fixed  habits  of 
society.  Not  only  the  thirteen  colonies,  but  the  whole 
American  hemisphere,  had  been  governed  by  European 
States  from  the  period  of  its  discovery.  The  very 
soil  belonged  to  the  trans-atlantic  monarchs  by  dis 
covery,  or  by  ecclesiastical  gift.  Dominion  over  it 
attached  by  divine  right  to  their  persons,  and  drew 
after  it  obligations  of  inalienable  allegiance  upon  those 

who  became  the  inhabitants  of  the  new  world.     The 
P 


8G6  EULOGY. 

new  world  was  indeed  divided  between  diffewnl 
powers,  but  the  system  of  government  was  the  same. 
It  was  administered  for  the  benefit  of  the  parental 
State  alone.  Each  power  prohibited  all  foreign  trade 
with  its  Colonies,  and  all  intercourse  between  them  and 
other  plantations,  supplied  its  Colonies  with  what  they 
needed  from  abroad,  interdicted  their  manufactures, 
and  monopolized  their  trade.  The  prevalence  of  this 
system  over  the  whole  continent  of  America  and  the 
adjacent  islands  prevented  all  enterprize  in  the  colonies, 
discouraged  all  improvement,  and  retarded  their  prog 
ress  to  independence. 

The  American  Revolution  sundered  these  bonds  only 
so  far  as  they  confined  thirteen  of  the  British  Colonies, 
and  left  the  remaining  British  dominions,  and  the  con 
tinent,  from  Georgia  around  Cape  Horn  to  the  Northern 
Ocean,  under  the  same  thraldom  as  before.  Even  the 
United  States  had  attained  only  physical  independence. 
The  moral  influences  of  the  colonial  system  oppressed 
them  still.  Their  trade,  their  laws,  their  science,  their 
literature,  their  social  connections,  their  ecclesiastical 
relations,  their  manners  and  their  habits,  were  still 
colonial ;  and  their  thoughts  continually  clung  around 
the  ancient  and  majestic  States  of  the  Eastern  Con 
tinent. 

The  American  Revolution,  so  happily  concluded  here, 
broke  out  in  France  simultaneously  with  the  beginning 
of  Washington's  administration.  The  French  nation 
passed  in  fifteen  years  from  absolute  despotism  under 


EULOGY.  367 

Louis  XVI.,  through  all  the  phases  of  democracy  to  a 
military  despotism  under  Napoleon  Bonaparte  ;  and 
retained,  through  all  these  changes,  only  two  character 
istics — unceasing  ferocity  of  faction,  and  increasing 
violence  of  aggression  against  foreign  States.  The 
scandal  of  the  French  Revolution  fell  back  upon  the 
United  States  of  America,  who  were  regarded  as  the 
first  disturbers  of  the  ancient  social  system.  The  prin 
cipal  European  monarchs  combined,  under  the  guidance 
of  England,  to  arrest  the  presumptuous  career  of  France 
and  extirpate  democracy  by  the  sword.  Nevertheless. 
the  republican  cause,  however  odious  in  Europe,  was 
our  national  cause.  The  sympathies  of  a  large  portion 
of  the  American  people  could  not  be  withdrawn  from 
the  French  nation,  which  always  claimed,  even  when 
marshalled  into  legions  under  the  Corsican  conqueror, 
to  be  fighting  the  battles  of  freedom  ;  while,  on  the 
other  side,  the  citizens  who  regarded  innovation  as 
worse  than  tyranny,  considered  England  and  her  allies 
as  engaged  in  sustaining  the  cause  of  order,  of  govern 
ment,  and  of  society  itself. 

The  line  already  drawn  between  the  American 
people  in  regard  to  their  organic  law,  naturally  became 
the  dividing  line  of  the  popular  sympathies  in  the  great 
European  conflict.  Thus  deeply  furrowed,  that  line 
became  "  a  great  gulf  fixed."  The  Federal  party  un 
consciously  became  an  English  party,  although  it  in 
dignantly  disowned  the  epithet ;  and  the  Republican 
party  became  a  French  party,  although  with  equal 


368  EULOGY. 

sincerity  it  denied  the  gross  impeachment.  Each  bel 
ligerent  was  thus  encouraged  to  hope  for  aid  from 
the  United  States,  through  the  ever-expected  triumph 
of  its  friends ;  while  both  conceived  contemptuous 
opinions  of  a  people  who,  from  too  eager  interest  in  a 
foreign  fray,  suffered  their  own  national  rights  to 
be  trampled  upon  with  impunity  by  the  contending 
States. 

Washington  set  the  new  machine  of  government  in 
motion.  He  formed  his  cabinet  of  recognized  leaders 
of  the  adverse  parties.  Hamilton  and  Knox  of  the 
Federal  party  were  balanced  by  Jefferson  and  Ran 
dolph  of  the  adverse  party.  "  Washington  took  part 
with  neither,  but  held  the  balance  between  them  with 
the  scrupulous  justice  which  marked  his  lofty  nature." 
On  the  25lh  of  April,  1793,  he  announced  the  neutrality 
of  the  United  States  between  the  belligerents,  and  his 
decision,  without  winning  the  respect  of  either,  exas 
perated  both.  Each  invaded  our  national  rights  more 
flagrantly  than  before,  and  excused  the  injustice  by 
the  plea  of  necessary  retaliation  against  its  adversary, 
and  each  found  willing  apologists  in  a  sympathizing 
faction  in  our  own  country. 

Commercial  and  political  relations  were  to  be  estab 
lished  between  the  United  States  and  the  European 
Powers  in  this  season  of  conflict.  Ministers  were 
needed  who  could  maintain  and  vindicate  abroad  the 
same  impartiality  practised  by  Washington  at  home. 
There  was  one  citizen  eminently  qualified  for  such  a 


EULOGY.  369 

trust  in  such  a  conjuncture.  Need  I  say  that  citizen 
was  the  younger  Adams,  and  that  Washington  had  the 
sagacity  to  discover  him  ? 

John  Quincy  Adams  successively  completed  mis 
sions  at  the  Hague  and  at  Berlin,  in  the  period  inter 
vening  between  1794  and  1801,  with  such  advantage 
and  success,  that  in  1802  he  was  honored  by  his  native 
commonwealth  with  a  seat  as  her  representative  in  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States.  The  insults  offered  to 
our  country  by  the  belligerents  increased  in  aggrava 
tion  as  the  contest  between  them  became  more  violent 
and  convulsive.  France,  in  1804,  laid  aside  even  the 
name  and  forms  of  a  Republic,  and  the  first  consul, 
dropping  the  emblems  of  popular  power,  placed  the 
long-coveted  diadem  upon  his  brow,  where  its  jewels 
sparkled  among  the  laurels  he  had  won  in  the  conquest 
of  Italy.  Washington's  administration  had  passed 
away,  leaving  the  American  people  in  sullen  discon 
tent.  John  Adams  had  succeeded,  and  had  atoned 
by  the  loss  of  power  for  the  offence  he  had  given  by 
causing  a  just  but  unavailing  war  to  be  declared 
against  France.  Jefferson  was  at  the  head  of  the 
Government;  he  thought  the  belligerents  might  be  re 
duced  to  forbearance  by  depriving  them  of  our  com 
mercial  contributions  of  supplies,  and  recommended, 
first  an  embargo,  and  then  non-intercourse.  Britain 
was  an  insular  and  France  a  continental  power.  The 
effects  of  these  measures  would  therefore  be  more 
severe  on  the  former  than  on  the  latter,  and,  unhappily, 


370  EULOGY. 

they  were  more  severe  on  our  own  country  than  on 
either  of  the  offenders. 

Massachusetts  was  the  chief  commercial  State  in 
the  Union.  She  saw  the  ruin  of  her  commerce  in 
volved  in  the  policy  of  Jefferson,  and  regarded  it  as 
an  unworthy  concession  to  the  usurper  of  the  French 
throne.  In  this  emergency  John  Quincy  Adams  turned 
his  back  on  Massachusetts,  and  threw  into  the  uprising 
scale  of  the  administration,  the  weight  of  his  talents 
and  of  his  already  eminent  fame.  Massachusetts  in 
structed  the  recusant  to  recant.  He  refused  to  obey, 
and  resigned  his  place.  His  change  of  political  rela 
tions  astounded  the  country,  and,  with  the  customary 
charity  of  partisan  zeal,  was  attributed  to  venality.  It 
is  now  seen  by  us  in  the  light  reflected  upon  it  by  the 
habitual  independence,  unquestioned  purity,  and  lofty 
patriotism  of  his  whole  life  ;  and  thus  seen,  constitutes 
only  the  first  marked  one  of  many  instances  wherein 
he  broke  the  green  withes  which  party  fastened  upon 
him,  and  maintained  the  cause  of  his  country,  referring 
the  care  of  his  fame  to  God  and  to  an  impartial  pos 
terity.  Like  Decimus  Brutus,  whom  Julius  Ca3sar 
saluted  among  his  executioners  with  the  exclamation 
"  Et  tu.  Brute  /"  John  Quincy  Adams  was  not  unfaith 
ful,  but  he  could  not  be  obliged  where  he  was  not  left 
free. 

Jefferson  retired  in  1800,  leaving  to  his  successor, 
the  scholastic  and  peace-loving  Madison,  the  perilous 
legacy  of  perplexed  foreign  relations,  and  embittered 


EULOGY.  371 

domestic  feuds.  Great  Britain  now  filled  the  measure 
of  exasperation  by  insolently  searching  our  vessels  on 
the  high  seas,  and  impressing  into  her  marine  all  whom 
she  chose  to  suspect  of  having  been  born  in  her  alle 
giance,  even  though  they  had  renounced  it  and  had 
assumed  the  relations  of  American  citizens.  War  was 
therefore  imminent  and  inevitable.  Russia  was  then 
coming  forward  to  a  position  of  commanding  influence 
in  Europe,  and  her  youthful  Emperor  Alexander  had 
won,  by  his  chivalrous  bearing,  the  respect  of  mankind. 
John  Quincy  Adams  was  wisely  sent  by  the  United 
States,  to  establish  relations  of  amity  with  the  great 
power  of  the  North ;  and  while  he  was  thus  engaged, 
the  flames  of  European  war,  which  had  been  so  long 
averted,  involved  his  own  country.  War  was  declared 
against  Great  Britain. 

It  was  just.  It  was  necessary.  Yet  it  was  a  war 
that  dared  Great  Britain  to  re- assert  her  ancient  sov 
ereignty.  It  was  a  war  with  a  power  whose  wealth 
and  credit  were  practically  inexhaustible,  a  power 
whose  navy  rode  unchecked  over  all  the  seas,  and 
whose  impregnable  garrisons  encircled  the  globe. 

Against  such  a  power  the  war  wras  waged  by  a 
nation  that  had  not  yet  accumulated  wealth,  nor  estab 
lished  credit,  nor  even  opened  avenues  suitable  for 
transporting  munitions  of  war  through  its  extended 
territories — that  had  only  the  germ  of  a  navy,  an  in 
considerable  army,  and  not  one  substantial  fortress. 
Yet  such  a  war,  under  such  circumstances,  was  de- 


2  EULOGY. 

nounced  as  unnecessary  and  unjust,  though  for  no 
better  reason  than  because  greater  contumelies  haa 
been  endured  at  the  hands  of  France.  Thus  a  do 
mestic  feud,  based  on  the  very  question  of  the  war 
itself,  enervated  the  national  strength,  and  encouraged 
the  mighty  adversary. 

The  desperate  valor  displayed  at  Chippewa  and 
Lundy's  Lane,  at  Fort  Erie  and  Pittsburgh,  and  the 
brilliant  victories  won  in  contests  between  single  ships 
of  war  on  the  ocean  and  armed  fleets  on  the  lakes, 
vindicated  the  military  prowess  of  the  United  States, 
but  brought  us  no  decisive  advantage.  A  suspension 
of  the  conflict  in  Europe  followed  Napoleon's  disas 
trous  invasion  of  Russia,  and  left  America  alone  op 
posed  to  her  great  adversary.  Peace  was  necessary, 
because  the  national  credit  was  exhausted — because 
the  fortunes  of  the  war  were  inclining  against  us — and 
because  the  opposition  to  it  was  ripening  into  disorgan 
izing  councils.  Adams  had  prepared,  the  way  by 
securing  the  mediation  of  Alexander.  Then,  in  that 
critical  period,  associated  with  Russell,  Bayard,  the 
learned  and  versatile  Gallatin,  and  the  eloquent  and 
chivalric  Clay,  he  negotiated  with  firmness,  with  assi 
duity,  with  patience,  and  with  consummate  r.bility,  a 
definitive  treaty  of  peace — a  treaty  of  peace  which, 
although  it  omitted  the  causes  of  the  war  already  ob 
solete,  saved  and  established  and  confirmed  in  its  whole 
integrity  the  independence  of  the  Republic — a  treaty 


EULOGY.  373 

of  peace  that  yet  endures,  and,  we  willingly  hope,  may 
endure  forever. 

After  fulfilling  a  subsequent  mission  at  the  Court  of 
St.  James,  the  pacificator  entered  the  domestic  service 
of  the  country  as  Secretary  of  State  in  the  administra 
tion  of  James  Monroe ;  and  at  the  expiration  of  that 
administration  became  President  of  the  United  States. 
He  attained  the  honors  of  the  Republic  at  the  age  of 
fifty-seven,  in  the  forty-ninth  year  of  independence. 
He  was  sixth  in  the  succession,  and  with  him  closed 
the  line  of  Chief  Magistrates  who  had  rendered  to  their 
country  some  tribute  of  their  talents  in  civil  or  military 
service  in  the  war  of  independence. 

John  Quincy  Adams,  on  entering  civil  life,  had  found 
the  Republic  unstable.  He  retired  in  1829,  leaving  it 
firmly  established.  It  was  thus  his  happy  fortune  to 
preside  at  the  completion  of  that  work  of  consolidation 
the  beginning  of  which  was  the  end  of  the  labors  of 
Washington. 

John  Quincy  Adams  engaged  in  this  great  work 
while  yet  in  private  life,  in  1793.  He  showed  to  his 
fellow-citizens,  in  a  series  of  essays,  the  inability  of  the 
French  people  to  maintain  free  institutions  at  that  time, 
and  the  consequent  necessity  of  American  neutrality 
in  the  European  war.  These  publications  aided 
Washington  so  much  the  more  because  they  antici 
pated  his  own  decision.  Adams  sustained  the  same 
great  cause  when  he  strengthened  the  administration 

of  Jefferson  against  the   preponderating  influence  of 
P*  24 


374  EULOGY. 

Great  Britain.  His  diplomatic  services  in  Holland  and 
Russia  secured,  at  a  critical  period,  a  favorable  con 
sideration  in  the  Courts  of  those  countries,  which  con 
duced  to  the  same  end  ;  and  his  brilliant  success  in 
restoring  peace  to  the  country  so  sorely  pressed,  re 
lieved  her  from  her  enemies,  reassured  her,  and  gave  to 
sceptical  Europe  conclusive  proof  that  her  republican 
institutions  were  destined  to  endure.  / 

The  administration  of  John  Quincy  Adams  blends 
so  intimately  with  that  of  Monroe,  in  which  he  was 
chief  Minister,  that  no  dividing  line  can  be  drawn 
between  them.  Adams  may  be  said,  without  deroga 
tion  from  the  fame  of  Monroe,  to  have  swayed  the 
Government  during  his  presidency  ;  and  with  equal 
truth,  Monroe  may  be  admitted  to  have  continued  his 
administration  through  that  of  his  successor. 

The  consolidation  of  the  Republic  required  that  fac 
tion  should  be  extinguished.  Monroe  began  this  diffi 
cult  task  cautiously,  and  pursued  it  with  good  effect. 
John  Quincy  Adams  completed  the  achievement.  The 
dignity  and  moderation  which  marked  his  acceptance 
of  the  highest  trust  which  a  free  people  could  confer, 
beautifully  foreshadowed  the  magnanimity  with  which 
it  was  to  be  discharged.  He  confessed  himself  deeply 
sensible  of  the  circumstances  under  which  it  had  been 
conferred : — 

All  my  predecessors  (he  said)  have  been  honored  with  majorities 
of  the  electoral  voices,  in  the  primary  colleges.  It  has  been  my 
fortune  to  be  placed,  by  the  divisions  of  sentiment  prevailing  among 


EULOGY.  375 

our  countrymen,  on  this  occasion,  in  competition,  friendly  and  hon 
orable,  with  three  of  my  fellow-citizens,  all  justly  enjoying,  in  emi 
nent  degrees,  the  public  favor ;  and  of  whose  worth,  talents  and 
services,  no  one  entertains  a  higher  and  more  respectful  sense  than 
myself.  The  names  of  two  of  them  were,  in  the  fulfilment  of  the 
provisions  of  the  constitution,  presented  to  the  selection  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  in  concurrence  with  my  own,  names 
closely  associated  with  the  glory  of  the  nation,  and  one  of  them 
farther  recommended  by  a  larger  majority  of  the  primary  electoral 
suffrages  than  mine.  In  this  state  of  things,  could  my  refusal  to 
accept  the  trust  thus  delegated  to  me  give  an  opportunity  to  the 
people  to  form  and  to  express,  with  a  nearer  approach  to  unanim 
ity,  the  object  of  their  preference,  I  should  not  hesitate  to  decline 
the  acceptance  of  this  eminent  charge,  and  to  submit  the  decision 
of  this  momentous  question  again  to  their  determination. 

It  argued  a  noble  consciousness  of  virtue  to  express, 
on  such  an  occasion,  so  ingenuously,  the  emotions  of  a 
generous  ambition. 

He  displayed  the  same  great  quality  no  less  when  he 
called  to  the  post  of  chief  Minister,  in  spite  of  clamors 
of  corruption,  Henry  Clay,  that  one  of  his  late  rivals 
who  alone  among  his  countrymen  had  the  talents  and 
generosity  which  the  responsibilities  of  the  period 
exacted. 

John  Quincy  Adams  signalized  his  accession  to  the 
post  of  dangerous  elevation  by  avowing  the  sentiments 
concerning  parties  by  which  he  was  inflexibly  governed 
throughout  his  administration  : — • 

Of  the  two  great  political  parties  [he  said]  which  have  divided 
the  opinions  and  feelings  of  our  country,  the  candid  and  the  just 
will  now  admit,  that  both  have  contributed  splendid  talents,  spotless 
integrity,  ardent  patriotism,  and  disinterested  sacrifices,  to  the  for 
mation  and  administration  of  the  Government,  and  that  both  have 


376  EULOGY. 

required  a  liberal  indulgence  for  a  portion  of  human  infirmity  and 
error.  The  revolutionary  wars  of  Europe,  commencing  precisely 
at  the  moment  when  the  Government  of  the  Uniied  States  first  went 
into  operation  under  the  constitution,  excited  collisions  of  senti 
ments,  and  of  sympathies,  which  kindled  all  thx  ^nssions  and  em 
bittered  the  conflict  of  parties,  till  the  nation  was  involved  in  wrar, 
and  the  Union  was  shaken  to  its  centre.  This  time  of  trial  em 
braced  a  period  of  five-and-twenty  years,  during  which  the  policy 
of  the  Union  in  its  relations  with  Europe  constituted  the  principal 
basis  of  our  own  political  divisions,  and  the  most  arduous  part  of 
action  of  the  Federal  Government.  With  the  catastrophe  in  which 
the  wars  of  the  French  Revolution  terminated,  and  our  own  subse 
quent  peace  with  Great  Britain,  this  baneful  weed  of  party  strife 
was  uprooted.  From  that  time  no  difference  of  principle,  connected 
with  the  theory  of  government,  or  with  our  intercourse  with  for 
eign  nations,  has  existed  or  been  called  forth  in  force  sufficient  to 
sustain  a  continued  combination  of  parties,  o?  "ven  more  than 
wholesome  animation  to  public  sentiment  or  legislative  debate. 
Our  political  creed,  without  a  dissenting  voice  that  can  be  heard,  is 
that  the  will  of  the  people  is  the  source,  and  the  happiness  of  the 
people  is  the  end,  of  all  legitimate  government  upon  earth — that  the 
best  security  for  the  beneficence,  and  the  best  guaranty  against  the 
aouse  of  power,  consists  in  the  freedom,  the  purity,  and  the  fre 
quency  of  popular  elections.  That  the  General  Government  of  the 
Union,  and  the  separate  Governments  of  the  States,  are  all  sovereign 
ties  of  legitimate  powers  ;  fellow  servants  of  the  same  masters, 
uncontrolled  within  their  respective  spheres — uncontrollable  by  en 
croachments  on  each  other.  If  there  have  been  those  who  doubted 
whether  a  confederated  representative  democracy  was  a  government 
competent  to  the  wise  and  orderly  management  of  the  common 
concerns  of  a  mighty  nation,  those  doubts  have  been  dispelled.  If 
there  have  been  projects  of  partial  confederacies  to  be  erected  upon 
the  ruins  of  the  Union,  'they  have  been  scattered  to  the  winds.  If 
there  have  been  dangerous  attachments  to  one  foreign  nation,  and 
antipathies  against  another,  they  have  been  extinguished.  Ten 
years  of  peace  at  home  and  abroad  have  assuaged  the  animosities 
of  political  contention  and  blended  into  harmony  the  most  discord 
ant  elements  of  public  opinion.  There  still  remains  one  effort  of 
magnanimity,  one  sacrifice  of  prejudice  and  passion,  to  be  made  by 


KULOGY.  377 

the  individuals  throughout  the  nation  who  have  heretofore  followed 
the  standards  of  political  party.  It  is  that  of  discarding  every  rem 
nant  of  rancor  against  each  other,  of  embracing,  as  countrymen 
and  friends,  and  of  yielding  to  talents  and  virtue  alone  that  confi 
dence  which,  in  times  of  contention  for  principle,  was  bestowed 
only  upon  those  who  bore  the  badge  of  party  communion. 

During  the  administration  of  John  Quincy  Adams, 
he  was  really  the  Chief  Magistrate.  He  submitted 
neither  his  reason  nor  his  conscience  to  the  control  of 
any  partisan  cabal.  No  man  was  appointed  to  office 
in  obedience  to  political  dictation,  and  no  faithful  pub 
lic  servant  was  proscribed.  The  result  rewarded  his 
magnanimity.  Faction  ceased  to  exist.  When  South' 
Carolina,  a  few  years  afterward,  assumed  the  very 
ground  that  the  ancient  republican  party  had  indicated 
as  lawful  and  constitutional,  and  claimed  the  right  and 
power  to  set  aside,  within  her  own  limits,  acts  of  Con 
gress  which  she  pronounced  void,  because  they  tran 
scended  the  Federal  authority,  she  called  on  the  re 
publican  party  throughout  the  Union  in  vain.  The" 
dangerous  heresy  had  been  renounced  forever.  Since 
that  time  there  has  been  no  serious  project  of  a  combi 
nation  to  resist  the  laws  of  the  Union,  much  less  of  a 
conspiracy  to  subvert  the  Union  itself. 

What  though  the  elements  of  political  strife  remain  ? 
They  are  necessary  for  the  life  of  free  States.  What 
though  there  still  are  parties,  and  the  din  and  turmoil 
of  their  contests  are  ceaselessly  heard  ?  They  are 
founded  now  on  questions  of  mere  administration,  or 
on  the  more  ephemeral  questions  of  personal  merit. 


378  EULOGY. 

Such  parties  are  dangerous  only  in  the  decline,  not  in 
the  vigor  of  Republics.  Rome  was  no  longer  fit  for 
freedom,  and  needed  a  Dictator  and  a  Sovereign,  when 
Pompeyand  Caesar  divided  the  citizens.  What  though 
the  magnanimity  of  Adams  was  not  appreciated,  and 
his  contemporaries  preferred  his  military  competitor  in 
the  subsequent  election.  ?  The  sword  gathers  none 
but  ripe  fruits,  and  the  masses  of  any  people  will  some 
times  prefer  them  to  the  long  maturing  harvest,  which 
the  statesmen  of  the  living  generations  sow,  to  be  reaped 
by  their  successors.  For  all  this  Adams  cared  not. 
He  had  extinguished  the  factions  which  for  forty  years 
had  endangered  the  State.  He  had  left  on  the  records 
of  history  instructions  and  an  example  teaching  how 
faction  could  be  overthrown,  and  his  country  might 
resort  to  them  when  danger  should  recur.  For  him 
self  he  knew  well,  none  knew  better,  that 

"He  who  ascends  to  mountain-tops  shall  find 

The  loftiest  peaks  most  wrapt  in  clouds  and  snow. 
He  who  surpasses  or  subdues  mankind, 

Must  look  down  on  the  hate  of  those  below. 
Though  high  abore  the  sun  of  glory  glow, 

And  far  beneath  the  earth  and  ocean  spread, 
Round  him  are  icy  rocks,  and  loudly  blow 
Contending  tempests  on  his  naked  head, 
And  thus  reward  the  toils  which  to  their  summits  led." 

The  federal  authority  had  so  long  been  factiously 
opposed,  that  the  popular  respect  for  its  laws  needed 
to  be  renewed.  The  State  of  Georgia  presented  the 
fit  occasion.  She  insisted  on  expelling,  forcibly,  rem- 


EULOGY.  379 

nants  of  Indian  tribes,  within  her  limits,  in  virtue  of  a 
treaty  which  was  impeached  for  fraud,  and  came  for 
revision  before  the  Supreme  Court  and  the  Senate. 
The  President  met  the  emergency  with  boldness  and 
decision.  The  demonstration  thus  given  that  good 
faith  should  be  practised,  and  the  law  have  its  way,  no 
matter  how  unequal  the  litigating  parties,  operated 
favorably  toward  restoring  the  moral  influence  of  the 
Government.  That  influence,  although  sometimes 
checked,  has  recently  increased  in  strength,  until  the 
federal  authority  is  universally  regarded  as  final,  and 
liberty  again  walks  confidently  hand  in  hand  with  law. 
John  Quincy  Adams  "  loved  peace  and  ensued  it." 
He  loved  peace  as  a  Christian,  because  war  was  at 
enmity  with  the  spirit  and  precepts  of  a  religion  which 
he  held  to  be  divine.  As  a  statesman  and  magistrate, 
he  loved  peace,  because  war  was  not  merely  injurious 
to  national  prosperity,  but  because,  whether  successful 
or  adverse,  it  was  subversive  of  liberty.  Democracies 
are  prone  to  war,  and  war  consumes  them.  He  fa 
vored,  therefore,  all  the  philanthropic  efforts  of  the  age 
to  cultivate  the  spirit  of  peace,  and  looked  forward 
with  benevolent  hope  to  the  ultimate  institution  of  a 
General  Congress  of  nations  for  the  adjustment  of  their 
controversies.  But  he  was  no  visionary  and  no  enthu 
siast.  He  knew  that  as  yet  war  was  often  inevitable — 
that  pusillanimity  provoked  it,  and  that  national  honor 
was  national  property  of  the  highest  value  ;  because  it 
was  the  best  national  defence.  He  admitted  only  de 


380  EULOGY. 

fensive  war — but  he  did  not  narrowly  define  it.  He 
held  that  to  be  a  defensive  war,  which  was  waged  to 
sustain  what  could  not  be  surrendered  or  relinquished 
without  compromising  the  independence,  the  just  influ 
ence,  or  even  the  proper  dignity  of  the  State.  Thus 
he  had  supported  the  war  with  Great  Britain — thus  in 
later  years  he  sustained  President  Jackson  in  his  bold 
demonstration  against  France,  when  that  power  wan 
tonly  refused  to  perform  the  stipulations  it  had  made 
in  a  treaty  of  indemnity ;  and  thus  he  yielded  his  sup 
port  to  what  was  thought  a  warlike  measure  of  the 
present  administration  in  the  diplomatic  controversy 
with  Great  Britain  concerning  the  Territory  of  Oregon. 
The  living  and  the  dead  have  mutual  rights,  and  there 
fore  it  must  be  added  that  he  considered  the  present 
war  with  Mexico  as  unnecessary,  unjust,  and  criminal. 
His  opinion  on  this  exciting  question  is  among  those 
on  which  he  referred  himself  to  that  future  age  which 
he  so  often  constituted  the  umpire  between  himself  and 
his  contemporaries. 

With  such  principles  on  the  subject  of  war,  he 
regarded  the  establishment  of  a  system  of  national 
defence  as  a  necessary  policy  for  consolidating  the 
Republic.  He  prosecuted,  therefore,  on  a  large  scale, 
the  work  of  fortification,  and  defended  against  popular 
opposition  the  institution  for  the  cultivation  of  mil 
itary  science,  which  has  so  recently  vindicated  that 
early  favor  through  the  learning,  valor,  patriotism  and 
humanity  exhibited  by  its  pupils  on  the  fields  of  Mexico. 


EULOGY.  381 

But  with  that  jealousy  of  the  military  spirit  which 
never  forsakes  the  wise  republican  statesman,  he  co 
operated  in  reducing  the  army  to  the  lowest  scale 
commensurate  with  its  necessary  efficiency : 

It  was  a  vain  and  dangerous  delusion  (he  said)  to  believe  that  in 
the  present  or  any  probable  condition  of  the  world,  a  commerce  so 
extensive  as  ours  could  exist  without  the  continual  support  of  a 
military  marine  —  the  only  arm  by  which  the  power  of  a  con 
federacy  could  be  estimated  or  felt  by  foreign  nations,  and  the 
only  standing  force  which  could  never  be  dangerous  to  our  OWD 
liberties. 

The  enlargement  of  our  navy,  under  the  influence 
of  these  opinions,  is  among  the  measures  of  national 
consolidation  we  owe  to  him  ;  and  the  institution  for 
naval  education  we  enjoy,  is  a  recent  result  of  his 
early  suggestions. 

But  John  Quincy  Adams  relied  for  national  security 
and  peace  mainly  on  an  enlightened  and  broad  system 
of  civil  policy.  He  looked  through  the  future  com 
binations  of  States,  and  studied  the  accidents  to  which 
they  were  exposed,  that  he  might  seasonably  remove 
causes  of  future  conflict.  His  genius,  when  exercised 
in  this  lofty  duty,  played  in  its  native  element.  He 
had  cordially  approved  the  measures  by  which  Wash 
ington  had  secured  the  free  navigation  of  the  Missis 
sippi.  He  approved  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana, 
although  with  Jefferson  he  insisted  on  a  preliminary 
amendment  of  the  constitution  for  that  purpose.  He 
had  no  narrow  bigotry,  concerning  the  soil  to  which 
the  institutions  of  our  fathers  should  be  confined,  and 


382  EULOGY. 

no  local  prejudice  against  their  extension  in  any  direc 
tion  required  by  the  public  security,  if"  the  extension 
should  be  made  with  justice,  honor,  and  humanity. 

The  acquisition  of  Louisiana  had  only  given  us  addi 
tional  territory,  fruitful  in  new  commerce,  to  be  exposed 
to  dangers  which  remain  to  be  overcome.  Spain  still 
possessed,  beside  the  Island  of  Cuba,  the  Peninsula  of 
the  Floridas,  and  thus  held  the  keys  of  the  Mississippi. 
The  real  independence,  the  commercial  and  the  moral 
independence,  of  the  United  States,  remained  to  be 
effected  at  the  close  of  the  European  wars,  and  of  our 
own  war  with  England.  Our  political  independence 
had  been  confirmed,  and  that  was  all.  John  Quincy 
Adams  addressed  himself,  as  Secretary  of  State,  to  the 
subversion  of  what  remained  of  the  colonial  system. 
He  commenced  by  an  auspicious  purchase  of  the  Flor 
idas,  which  gave  us  important  maritime  advantages  on 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  while  it  continued  our  Atlantic 
sea-board  unbroken  from  the  Bay  of  Fundy  to  the 
Sabine. 

The  ever-advancing  American  Revolution  was  at 
the  same  time  opening  the  way  to  complete  disinthral- 
ment.  The  Spanish- American  Provinces  revolted, 
and  seven  new  Republics,  with  constitutions  not 
widely  differing  from  our  own — Buenos  Ayres,  Guate 
mala,  Colombia,  Mexico,  Chili,  Central  America,  and 
Peru — suddenly  claimed  audience  and  admission  among 
the  nations  of  the  earth.  The  people  of  those  coun 
tries  were  but  doubtfully  prepared  to  maintain  their 


EULOGY.  383 

contest  for  independence,  or  to  support  republican 
institutions.  But  on  the  other  side  Spain  was  ener 
vated  and  declining.  She  applied  to  the  Holy  League 
of  Europe  for  their  aid,  and  the  new  Republics  ap 
plied  to  the  United  States  for  that  recognition  which 
could  not  fail  to  impart  strength.  The  question  was 
momentous.  The  ancient  colonial  system  was  at  stake. 
All  Europe  was  interested  in  maintaining  it.  The 
Holy  League  held  Europe  fast  bound  to  the  rock  of 
despotism,  and  were  at  liberty  to  engage  the  United 
States  in  a  war  for  the  subversion  of  their  independ 
ence,  if  they  should  dare  to  extend  their  aid  or  pro 
tection  to  the  rebellious  Colonies  in  South  America. 

Such  a  war  would  be  a  war  of  the  two  continents — 
an  universal  war.  Who  could  foretell  its  termination, 
or  its  dread  results?  But  the  emancipation  of  Spanish 
America  was  necessary  for  our  own  larger  freedom, 
and  our  own  complete  security.  That  freedom  and 
that  security  required  that  the  nations  of  Europe  should 
relax  their  grasp  on  the  American  Continent.  The 
question  was  long  and  anxiously  debated.  The  Amer 
ican  people  hesitated  to  hazard,  for  speculative  advan 
tages,  the  measures  of  independence  already  obtained. 
Monroe  and  Adams  waited  calmly  and  firmly.  The 
impassioned  voice  of  Henry  Clay  rose  from  the  Cham 
ber  of  Representatives.  It  rang  through  the  conti 
nent  like  the  notes  of  the  clarion,  inspiring  South 
America  with  new  resolution,  and  North  America  with 
the  confidence  the  critical  occasion  demanded.  That 


384  EULOGY. 

noble  appeal  was  answered.  South  America  stood 
firm,  and  North  America  was  ready.  Then  it  was 
that  John  Quincy  Adams,  with  those  generous  impulses 
which  the  impatient  blood  of  his  revolutionary  sire 
always  prompted,  and  with  that  enlightened  sagacit\ 
which  never  misapprehended  the  interests  of  his  coun 
try,  nor  mistook  the  time  nor  the  means  to  secure  them, 
obtained  from  the  administration  and  from  Congress 
the  acknowledgment^^  the  independenee*^of  the 
young  American  nations.  To  give  decisive  effect 
to  this  great  measure,  Monroe,  in  1823,  solemnly  de 
clared  to  the  world,  that  thenceforth  any  attempt  by 
any  foreign  power  to  establish  the  colonial  system  in 
any  part  of  this  continent,  already  emancipated,  would 
be  resisted  as  an  aggression  against  the  independence  of 
the  United  States.  On  the  accession  of  Adams  to  the 
administration  of  the  Government,  the  vast  American 
continental  possessions  of  Brazil  separated  themselves 
from  the  crown  of  Portugal  and  became  an  indepen 
dent  State.  Adams  improved  these  propitious  and  sub 
lime  events  by  negotiating  treaties  of  reciprocal  trade 
with  the  youthful  nations ;  and,  concurring  with  Mon 
roe,  accepted,  in  behalf  of  the  United  States,  their 
invitation  to  a  General  Congress  of  American  States 
to  be  held  at  Panama,  to  cement  relations  of  amity 
among  themselves,  and  to  consider,  if  it  should  become 
necessary,  the  proper  means  to  repel  the  apprehended 
interference  of  the  Holy  League  of  Europe. 

The  last  measure  transcended  the  confidence  of  a 


EULOGY.  385 

large  and  respectable  portion  of  the  American  people. 
But  its  moral  effect  was  needed  to  secure  the  stability 
of  the  South  American  Republics.  Adams  persevered, 
and,  in  defending  his  course,  gave  notice  to  the  powers 
of  Europe,  by  this  bold  declaration,  that  the  determina 
tion  of  the  United  States  wTas  inflexible  : — 

"  If  it  be  asked,  whether  this  meeting,  and  the  principles  which 
may  be  adjusted  and  settled  by  it,  as  rules  of  intercourse  between 
American  nations,  may  not  give  umbrage  to  European  powers,  or 
offence  to  Spain,  it  is  deemed  a  sufficient  answer,  that  our  attend 
ance  at  Panama  can  give  no  just  cause  of  umbrage  or  offence  to 
uther,  and  that  the  United  States  will  stipulate  nothing  there,  which 
can  give  such  cause.  Here  the  right  of  inquiry  into  our  purposes 
and  measures  must  stop.  The  Holy  League  of  Europe,  itself,  was 
formed  without  inquiring  of  the  United  States,  whether  it  would  or 
would  not  give  umbrage  to  them.  The  fear  of  giving  umbrage  to 
the  Holy  League  of  Europe  was  urged  as  a  motive  for  denying  to 
the  American  nations  the  acknowledgment  of  their  independence. 
The  Congress  and  the  administration  of  that  day  consulted  their 
rights  and  their  duties,  not  their  fears.  The  United  States  must  still, 
as  heretofore,  take  counsel  from  their  duties,  rather  than  their 
fears."  ^ 

Contrast,  fellow-citizens,  this  declaration  of  John 
Quincy  Adams,  President  of  the  United  States  in 
1825,  with  the  proclamation  of  neutrality,  between  the 
belligerents  of  Europe,  made  by  Washington  in  1793, 
with  the  querrulous  complaints  of  your  Ministers 
against  the  French  Directory  and  the  British  Ministry 
at  the  close  of  the  last  century,  and  with  the  acts  of 
embargo  and  non-intercourse  at  the  beginning  of  the 
present  century,  destroying  our  own  commerce  to  con 
quer  forbearance  from  the  intolerant  European  powers. 


386  EULOGY. 

Learn  from  this  contrast,  the  epoch  of  the  consolida 
tion  of  the  Republic.  Thus  instructed,  do  honor  to 
the  statesman  and  magistrate  by  whom,  not  forgetting 
the  meed  due  to  his  illustrious  compeers,  the  colonial 
system  was  overthrown  throughout  Spanish  America, 
and  the  independence  of  the  United  States  was  com 
pletely  and  finally  consummated. 

The  intrepid  and  unwearied  statesman  now  directed 
his  attention  to  the  remnants  of  the  colonial  system 
still  preserved  in  the  Ca^das  and  West  Indies.  Great 
Britain,  by  parliamentary  measures,  had  undennineo 
our  manufactures,  and,  receiving  only  our  raw  mate 
rials,  repaid  us  with  fabrics  manufactured  from  them, 
while  she  excluded  us  altogether  from  the  carrying 
trade  with  her  colonial  possessions.  John  Quincy 
Adams  sought  to  counteract  this  injurious  legislation, 
by  a  revenue  system,  which  should  restore  the  manu 
facturing  industry  of  the  country,  while  he  offered  re 
ciprocal  trade  as  a  compromise.  His  administration 
ended  during  a  beneficial  trial  of  this  vigorous  policy. 
But  it  taxed  too  severely  the  patriotism  of  some  of  the 
States,  and  was  relinquished  by  his  successors. 

Indolence  begets  degeneracy,  and  immobility  is  the 
first  stage  of  dissolution.  John  Quincy  Adams  sought 
not  merely  to  consolidate  the  Republic,  but  to  perpetu 
ate  it.  For  this  purpose  he  bent  vast  efforts,  with  suc 
cess,  to  such  a  policy  of  internal  improvement  as  would 
:ncrease  the  facilities  of  communication  and  inter 
course  between  the  States,  and  bring  into  being  tha* 


EULOGY.  387 

great  internal  trade  which  must  ever  constitute  the 
strongest  bond  of  federal  union.  Wherever  a  light 
house  has  been  erected,  on  our  sea-coast,  on  our  lakes, 
or  on  our  rivers — wherever  a  mole  or  pier  has  been 
constructed  or  begun — wherever  a  channel  obstructed 
by  shoals  or  sawyers  has  been  opened,  or  begun  to  be 
opened — wherever  a  canal  or  railroad,  adapted  to 
national  uses,  has  been  made  or  projected — there  the 
engineers  of  the  United  States,  during  the  administra 
tion  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  made  explorations,  and 
opened  the  way  for  a  diligent  prosecution  of  his  de 
signs  by  his  successors.  This  policy,  apparently  so 
stupendous,  was  connected  with  a  system  of  fiscal 
economy  so  rigorous,  that  the  treasury  augmented  its 
stores,  while  the  work  of  improvement  went  on  ;  the 
public  debt,  contracted  in  past  wars;  dissolved  away, 
and  the  nation  flourished  in  unexampled  prosperity. 
John  Quincy  Adams  administered  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment,  while  De  Witt  Clinton  was  presiding  in  the 
State  of  New  York.  It  is  refreshing  to  recall  the 
noble  emulation  of  these  illustrious  benefactors — an 
emulation  that  shows  how  inseparable  sound  philosophy 
is  from  true  patriotism. 

If  [said  Adams,  in  his  first  annual  message  to  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States,]  the  powers  enumerated  may  be  effectually 
brought  into  action  by  laws  promoting  the  improvement  of  agri 
culture,  commerce  and  manufactures,  the  cultivation  and  encourage 
ment  of  the  mechanic  arts,  and  of  the  elegant  arts,  the  advance 
ment  of  literature,  and  the  progress  of  the  sciences,  ornamental 
and  profound,  to  refrain  from  exercising  them  ibr  the  benefit  of  the 


388  EULOGY. 

people  would  be  to  hide  in  the  earth  the  talent  committed  to  our 
charge,  would  be  treachery  to  the  most  sacred  of  trusts.  The  spirit 
of  improvement  is  abroad  upon  the  earth.  It  stimulates  the  hearts, 
and  sharpens  the  faculties,  not  of  our  fellow-citizens  alone,  but  of 
the  nations  of  Europe,  and  of  their  rulers.  While  dwelling  with 
pleasing  satisfaction  upon  the  superior  excellence  of  our  political 
institutions,  let  us  not  be  unmindful  that  liberty  is  power,  that  the 
nation  blessed  with  the  largest  portion  of  liberty,  must  in  proportion 
to  its  numbers  be  the  most  powerful  nation  upon  earth,  and  that  the 
tenure  of  power  by  man  is,  in  the  moral  purposes  of  his  Creator, 
upon  condition  that  it  shall  be  exercised  to  ends  of  beneficence,  to 
improve  the  condition  of  himself,  and  his  fellow  men.  While  for 
eign  nations,  less  blessed  with  that  freedom  which  is  power  t«an 
ourselves,  are  advancing  with  gigantic  strides  in  the  career  of  pub 
lic  improvement,  were  we  to  slumber  in  indolence,  or  fold  our  arms 
and  proclaim  to  the  world  that  we  are  palsied  by  the  will  of  our 
constituents,  would  it  riot  be  to  cast  away  the  bounties  of  Provi 
dence  and  doom  ourselves  to  perpetual  inferiority  ?  In  the  course 
of  the  year  now  drawing  to  its  close,  we  have  beheld,  under  the 
auspices,  and  at  the  expense  of  one  State  of  this  Union,  a  now  uni 
versity  unfolding  its  portals  to  the  sons  of  science,  and  holding  up 
the  torch  of  human  improvement  to  eyes  that  seek  the  light.*  We 
have  seen,  under  the  persevering  and  enlightened  enterprise  of 
another  State,  the  waters  of  our  Western  lakes  mingle  with  those 
of  the  ocean.  If  undertakings  like  these  have  been  accomplished 
in  the  compass  of  a  few  years,  by  the  authority  of  single  members 
of  our  confederacy,  can  we,  the  representative  authorities  of  the 
whole  Union,  fall  behind  our  fellow  servants  in  the  exercise  of 
the  trust  committed  to  us  for  the  benefit  of  our  common  sovereign, 
by  the  accomplishment  of  works  important  to  the  whole  and  to 
which  neither  the  authority  nor  the  resources  of  any  one  State  can 
be  adequate  ? 

The  disastrous  career  of  many  of  the  States,  and 
the  absolute  inaction  of  others,  since  the  responsibilities 
of  internal  improvement  have  been  cast  off  by  the 

*  The  University  of  Virginia. 


EULOGY.  389 

federal  authorities,  and  devolved  upon  the  States, 
without  other  sources  of  revenue  than  direct  taxation, 
and  with  no  other  motives  to  stimulate  them  than  their 
own  local  interests,  are  a  fitting  commentary  on  the 
error  of  that  departure  from  the  policy  of  John  Quincy 
Adams.  If  other  comment  were  necessary,  it  would 
be  found  in  the  fact  that  States  have  revised  and 
amended  their  constitutions,  so  as  to  abridge  the 
power  of  their  Legislatures  to  prosecute  the  beneficent 
enterprises  which  the  Federal  Government  has  de 
volved  upon  them.  The  Smithsonian  Institute,  at  the 
seat  of  Government,  founded  by  the  liberality  of  a 
cosmopolite,  is  that  same  university  so  earnestly  re 
commended  by  Adams  for  the  increase  and  diffusion 
of  knowledge  among  men.  The  exploration  of  the 
globe,  for  purposes  of  geographical  and  political  knowl 
edge,  which  has  so  recently  been  made  under  the 
authority  of  i  -  Union,  and  with  such  noble  results, 
was  an  enterprize  conceived  and  suggested  by  the 
same  statesman.  The  National  Observatory  at  the 
capital,  which  is  piercing  the  regions  nearest  to  the 
throne  of  the  eternal  Author  of  the  universe,  is  an 
emanation  of  the  same  comprehensive  wisdom. 

Such  was  the  administration  of  John  Quincy  Adams. 
Surely  it  exhibits  enough  done  for  duty  and  for  fame — 
if  the  ancient  philosopher  said  truly,  that  the  duty  of 
a  statesman  was  to  make  the  citizens  happy,  to  make 
them  firm  in  power,  rich  in  wealth,  splendid  in  glory, 

Q  25 


390  EULOGY. 

and  eminent  in  virtue,  and    that   such   achievements 
were  the  greatest  and  best  of  all  works  among  men. 

But  the  measure  of  duty  was  not  yet  fulfilled.  The 
Republic  thought  it  no  longer  had  need  of  the  services 
of  Adams,  and  he  bowed  to  its  command.  Two  years 
elapsed,  and  lo  !  the  priest  was  seen  again  beside  the 
deserted  altar,  and  a  brighter,  purer,  and  more  lasting 
flame  arose  out  of  the  extinguished  embers. 

"  He  looked  in  years.     But  in  his  years  were  seen 
A  youthful  vigor,  an  autumnal  green." 

The  Republic  had  been  extended  and  consolidated ; 
but  human  slavery,  which  had  been  incorporated  in  it, 
was  extended  and  consolidated  also,  and  was  spreading, 
so  as  to  impair  the  strength  of  the  great  fabric  on  which 
the  hopes  of  the  nations  were  suspended.  Slavery 
therefore  must  be  restrained,  and,  without  violence  or 
injustice,  must  be  abolished.  The  difficult  task  of  re 
moving  it  had  been  postponed  by  the  statesmen  of  the 
Revolution,  and  had  been  delayed  and  forgotten  by 
their  successors.  There  were  now  resolute  hearts  and 
willing  hands  to  undertake  it,  but  who  was  strong 
enough, 'and  bold  enough  to  lead  1  Who  had  patience 
to  bear  with  enthusiasm  that  overleaped  its  mark,  and 
with  intolerance  that  defeated  its  own  generous  pur 
poses  ?  Slaveholders  had  power,  nay,  the  national 
power  ;  and  strange  to  say,  they  had  it  with  the  nation's 
consent  and  sympathy.  Who  was  bold  enough  to  pro 
voke  them,  and  bring  the  execration  of  the  nation 


EULOGY.  391 

down  upon  his  own  head  ?  Who  would  do  this,  when 
even  abolitionists  themselves,  rendered  implacable  by 
the  manifestation  of  those  sentiments  of  justice  and 
moderation,  without  which  the  most  humane  cause,  de 
pending  on  a  change  of  public  opinion,  cannot  be  con 
ducted  safely  to  a  prosperous  end,  were  ready  to  betray 
their  own  champion  into  the  hands  of  the  avenger  ? 
That  leader  was  found  in  the  person  of  John  Quincy 
Adams.  He  took  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Represent 
atives  in  1831,  without  assumption  or  ostentation. 
Abolitionists  placed  in  his  hand  petitions  for  the  sup 
pression  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  the  seat 
of  the  federal  authorities.  He  offered  them  to  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  they  were  rejected 
with  contumely  and  scorn.  Suddenly  the  alarm  went 
forth,  that  the  aged  and  venerable  servant  was  retali 
ating  upon  his  country  by  instigating  a  servile  war,  that 
such  a  war  must  be  avoided,  even  at  the  cost  of 
sacrificing  the  freedom  of  petition  and  the  freedom  of 
debate,  and  that  if  the  free  States  would  not  consent 
to  make  that  sacrifice,  then  the  Union  should  be  dis 
solved.  This  alarm  had  its  desired  effect.  The  House 
of  Representatives,  in  1837,  adopted  a  rule  of  disci 
pline,  equivalent  to  an  act,  ordaining  that  no  petition 
relating  to  slavery,  nearly  or  remotely,  should  be  read, 
debated  or  considered.  The  Senate  adopted  a  like 
edict.  The  State  authorities  approved.  Slavery  was 
not  less  strongly  entrenched  behind  the  bulwark  of 
precedents  in  the  courts  of  law  than  in  the  fixed 


392  EULOGY. 

habits  of  thought  and  action  among  the  people.  The 
people  even  in  the  free  States  denounced  the  discussion 
of  slavery,  and  suppressed  it  by  unlawful  force.  John 
Quincy  Adams  stood  unmoved  amid  the  storm.  ^  He 
knew  that  the.  only  danger  incident  to  political  reform, 
was  the  danger  of  delaying  it  too  long.  The  French 
Revolution  had  made  this  an  axiom  of  political  science. 
If,  indeed,  the  discussion  of  slavery  was  so  hazardous 
as  was  pretended,  it  had  been  deferred  too  long  already. 
The  advocates  of  slavery  had  committed  a  fatal  error. 
They  had  abolished  freedom  of  speech  and  freedom  of 
petition  to  save  an  obnoxious  institution.  As  soon  <is 
the  panic  should  subside,  the  people  would  demand  the 
restoration  of  those  precious  rights,  and  would  scruti 
nize  with  fearless  fidelity  the  cause  for  which  they  had 
been  suppressed.  He  offered  petition  after  petition, 
each  bolder  and  more  importunate  than  the  last.  lie 
debated  questions,  kindred  to  those  which  were  for 
bidden,  with  the  firmness  and  fervor  of  his  noble  nature. 
For  age 

Had  not  quenched  the  open  truth 
And  fiery  vehemence  of  youth. 

Soon  he  gained  upon  his  adversaries.  District  after 
district  sent  champions  to  his  sid •;.  States  reconsid 
ered,  and  resolved  in  his  behalf.  He  saw  the  tide  was 
turning,  and  then  struck  one  bold  blow,  not  now  for 
freedom  of  petition  and  debate,  but  a  stroke  of  bold 
and  retaliating  warfare.  He  offered  a  resolution  de- 


EULOGY.  393 

claring  that  the  following  amendments  of  the  constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States  be  submitted  to  the  people  of 
the  several  States  for  their  adoption  : 

From  and  after  the  fourth  day  of  July,  1842,  there  shall  be,  through 
out  the  United  States,  NO  HEREDITARY  SLAVERY,  but  on  and  aftei 
Mat  day  every  child  born  within  the  United  States  shall  be  FREE. 
With  the  exception  of  the  Territory  of  Florida,  there  shall,  hence 
forth,  never  be  admitted  into  this  Union,  any  STATE  the  constitu 
tion  of   which    shall  tolerate  within  the   same   the   existence  o 

SLAVERY. 

In  1845,  the  obnoxious  rule  of  the  House  of  Reprc 
sentatives  was  rescinded.  The  freedom  of  debate  and 
petition  was  restored,  and  the  unrestrained  and  irre 
pressible  discussion  of  slavery  by  the  press  and  political 
parties  began.  For  the  rest,  the  work  of  emancipation 
abides  the  action,  whether  it  be  slow  or  fast,  of  the 
moral  sense  of  the  American  people.  It  depends  not 
on  the  zeal  and  firmness  only  of  the  reformers,  but  on 
their  wisdom  and  moderation  also.  Stoicism,  that  had 
no  charity  for  error,  never  converted  any  human  so 
ciety  to  virtue ;  Christianity,  that  remembers  the  true 
nature  of  man,  has  encompassed  a  large  portion  of  the 
globe.  How  long  emancipation  may  be  delayed,  is 
among  the  things  concealed  from  our  knowledge,  but 
not  so  the  certain  result.  The  perils  of  the  enterprize 
are  already  passed — its  difficulties  have  already  been 
removed — when  it  shall  have  been  accomplished  it  will 
be  justly  regarded  as  the  last  noble  effort  which  ren 
dered  the  Republic  imperishable. 

17* 


394  EULOGY. 

Then  the  merit  of  the  great  achievement  will  be 
awarded  to  John  Quincy  Adams  ;  and  by  none  more 
gratefully  than  by  the  communities  on  whom  the  insti 
tution  of  slavery  has  brought  the  calamity  of  prema 
ture  and  consumptive  decline,  in  the  midst  of  free, 
vigorous,  and  expanding  States. 

If  this  great  transaction  could  bw  surpassed  in  dra 
matic  sublimity,  it  was  surpassed  when  the  same  im 
passioned  advocate  of  humanity  appeared,  at  the  age 
of  seventy-four,  with  all  the  glorious  associations  that 
now  clustered  upon  him,  at  the  bar  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  and  pleaded,  without  solici 
tation  or  reward,  the  cause  of  Cinque  and  thirty  other 
Africans,  who  had  been  stolen  by  a  Spanish  slaver 
from  their  native  coast,  had  slain  the  master  and  crew 
of  the  pirate  ve?sel,  floated  into  the  waters  of  the 
United  States,  and  there  been  claimed  by  the  Presi 
dent,  in  behalf  of  the  authorities  of  Spain.  He  pleaded 
this  great  cause  with  such  happy  effect,  that  the  cap 
tives  were  set  at  liberty.  Conveyed  by  the  charity  of 
the  humane  to  their  native  shores,  they  bore  the  pleas 
ing  intelligence  to  Africa,  that  justice  was  at  last 
claiming  its  way  among  civilized  and  Christian  men  ! 

The  recital  of  heroic  actions  loses  its  chief  value,  if 
we  cannot  discover  the  principles  in  which  they  were, 
born.  The  text  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  from  which 
he  deduced  the  duties  of  citizens,  and  of  the  republic, 
was  the  address  of  the  Continental  Congress  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  on  the  occasion  of  the 


EULOGY.  395 

successful    close   of  the    American   Revolution.     He 
dwelt  often  and  emphatically  on  the  words : 

Let  it  be  remembered,  that  it  has  ever  been  the  pride  and  the 
boast  of  America,  that  the  rights  for  which  she  contended  were 
the  rights  of  human  nature.  By  the  blessing  of  the  Author  of 
those  rights,  they  have  prevailed  over  all  opposition,  and  form  the 
basis  of  thirteen  independent  States.  No  instance  has  heretofore 
occurred,  nor  can  any  instance  be  expected  hereafter  to  occur,  in 
which  the  unadulterated  forms  of  republican  government  can  pre 
tend  to  so  fair  an  opportunity  of  justifying  themselves  by  their  fruits. 
In  this  view,  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  are  responsible  for 
the  greatest  trust  ever  confided  to  a  political  society.  If  JUSTICE, 
GOOD  FAITH,  HONOR,  GRATITUDE,  and  all  the  other  qualities  which 
ennoble  the  character  of  a  nation  and  fulfil  the  ends  of  govern 
ment,  be  the  fruits  of  our  establishments,  the  cause  of  liberty  will 
acquire  a  dignity  and  lustre  which  it  has  never  yet  enjoyed,  and  an 
example  will  be  set  which  cannot  but  have  the  most  favorable  influ 
ence  on  mankind.  If,  on  the  other  side,  our  Governments  should 
be  unfortunately  blotted  with  the  reverse  of  these  cardinal  virtues, 
the  great  cause  which  \ve  have  engaged  to  vindicate  will  be  dis 
honored  and  betrayed  ;  the  last  and  fairest  experiment  in  favor  of 
the  rights  of  human  nature  will  be  turned  against  them,  and  their 
patrons  and  friends  exposed  to  the  insults,  and  silenced  by  the  vota 
ries  of  tyranny  and  usurpation. 

Senators  and  Representatives  of  the  People  of  the 
State  of  New  York  :  I  had  turned  my  steps  away  from 
your  honored  halls,  long  since,  as  I  thought  forever 
I  come  back  to  them  by  your  command,  to  fulfil  a 
higher  duty  and  more  honorable  service  than  ever 
before  devolved  upon  me.  I  repay  your  generous 
confidence,  by  offering  to  you  this  exposition  of  the 
duties  of  the  magistrate  and  of  the  citizen.  It  is  the 
same  which  John  Quincy  Adams  gave  to  the  Congress 


396  EULOGY. 

of  the  United  States,  in  his  oration  on  the  death  of 
James  Madison.  It  is  the  key  to  his  own  exalted 
character,  and  it  enables  us  to  measure  the  benefits  he 
conferred  upon  his  country.  If  then  you  ask  what 
motive  enabled  him  to  rise  above  parties,  sects,  com 
binations,  prejudices,  passions,  and  seductions,  I  answer 
that  he  served  his  country,  not  alone,  or  chiefly  because 
that  country  was  his  own,  but  because  he  knew  her 
duties  and  her  destiny,  and  knew  her  cause  was  the 
cause  of  human  nature. 

If  you  inquire  why  he  was  so  rigorous  in  virtue  as 
to  be  often  thought  austere,  I  answer  it  was  because 
human  nature  required  the  exercise  of  justice,  honor, 
and  gratitude,  by  all  who  were  clothed  with  authority 
to  act  in  the  name  of  the  American  people.  If  you 
ask  why  he  seemed,  sometimes,  with  apparent  incon 
sistency,  to  lend  his  charities  to  the  distant  and  the 
future  rather  than  to  his  own  kindred  and  times,  I 
reply,  it  was  because  he  held  that  the  tenure  of  human 
power  is  on  condition  of  its  being  beneficently  exercised 
for  the  common  welfare  of  the  human  race.  Such  men 
are  of  no  country.  They  belong  to  mankind.  If  we 
cannot  rise  to  this  height  of  virtue,  we  cannot  hope  to 
comprehend  the  character  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  or 
understand  the  homage  paid  by  the  American  people 
to  his  memory. 

Need  it  be  said  that  John  Quincy  Adams  studied 
justice,  honor  and  gratitude,  not  by  the  false  standards 
of  the  age,  but  by  their  own  true  nature  ?  He  general- 


EULOGY.  397 

ized  truth,  and  traced  it  always  to  its  source,  the  bosom 
of  God.  Thus  in  his  defence  of  the  Amistad  captives 
he  began  with  defining  justice  in  the  language  of  Jus 
tinian,  "  Constans  et  perpetua  voluntas  jus  SUUM  cuique 
tribuendi."  He  quoted  on  the  same  occasion  from  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  not  by  way  of  rhetorical 
embellishment,  and  not  even  as  a  valid  human  ordi 
nance,  but  as  a  truth  of  nature,  of  universal  application, 
the  memorable  words,  "  We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self- 
evident,  that  all  men  are  created  equal,  and  that  they 
are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable 
rights,  and  that  among  these  rights  are  life,  liberty,  and 
the  pursuit  of  happiness."  In  his  vindication  of  the 
right  of  debate,  he  declared  that  the  principle  that  re 
ligious  opinions  were  altogether  beyond  the  sphere  of 
legislative  control,  was  but  one  modification  of  a  more 
extensive  axiom,  which  included  the  unbounded  freedom 
of  the  press,  and  of  speech,  and  of  the  communication 
of  thought  in  all  its  forms.  He  rested  the  inviolability 
of  the  right  of  petition,  not  on  constitutions,  or  charters, 
which  might  be  glossed,  abrogated  or  expunged,  but  in 
the  inherent  right  of  every  animate  creature  to  pray  to 
its  superior. 

The  model  by  which  he  formed  his  character  was 
Cicero.  Not  the  living  Cicero,  sometimes  inconsistent ; 
often  irresolute  ;  too  often  seeming  to  act  a  studied 
part;  and  always  covetous  of  applause.  But  Cicero, 
as  he  aimed  to  be,  and  as  he  appears  revealed  in  those 
immortal  emanations  of  his  genius  which  have  been  the 

Q* 


398  EULOGY. 

delight  and  guide  of  intellect  and  virtue  in  every  suc 
ceeding  age.  Like  the  Roman,  Adams  was  an  orator, 
but  he  did  not  fall  into  the  error  of  the  Roman,  in  prac 
tically  valuing  eloquence  more  than  the  beneficence  to 
which  it  should  be  devoted.  Like  him  he  was  a  states 
man  and  magistrate  worthy  to  be  called  "  The  second 
founder  of  the  Republic," — like  him  a  teacher  of  didac 
tic  philosophy,  of  morals,  and  even  of  his  own  peculiar 
art ;  and  like  him  he  made  all  liberal  learning  tributary 
to  that  noble  art,  while  poetry  was  the  inseparable 
companion  of  his  genius  in  its  hours  of  relaxation  from 
the  labors  of  the  forum  and  of  the  capitol. 

Like  him  he  loved  only  the  society  of  good  men,  and 
by  his  generous  praise  of  such,  illustrated  the  Roman's 
beautiful  aphorism,  that  no  one  can  be  envious  of  good 
deeds,  who  has  confidence  in  his  own  virtue.  Like 
Cicero  he  kept  himself  unstained  by  social  or  domestic 
vices;  preserved  serenity  and  cheerfulness;  cherished 
habitual  reverence  for  the  Deity,  and  dwelt  continually, 
not  on  the  mystic  theology  of  the  schools,  but  on  the 
hopes  of  a  better  life.  He  lived  in  what  will  be  re 
garded  as  the  virtuous  age  of  his  country,  while  Cicero 
was  surrounded  by  an  overwhelming  degeneracy.  He 
had  the  light  of  Christianity  for  his  guide ;  and  its  sub 
lime  motives  as  incitements  to  virtue :  while  Cicero 
had  only  the  confused  instructions  of  the  Grecian 
schools,  and  saw  nothing  certainly  attainable  but 
present  applause  and  future  fame.  In  moral  courage, 
therefore,  he  excelled  his  model  and  rivalled  Cato 


EULOGY.  399 

But  Cato  was  a  visionary,  who  insisted  upon  his  right 
to  act  always  without  reference  to  the  condition  of 
mankind,  as  he  should  have  acted  in  Plato's  imaginary 
Republic.  Adams  stood  in  this  respect  midway  be 
tween  the  impracticable  stoic  and  the  too  flexible 
academician.  He  had  no  occasion  to  say,  as  the 
Grecian  orator  did,  that  if  he  had  sometimes  acted 
contrary  to  himself,  he  had  never  acted  contrary  to  the 
Republic ;  but  he  might  justly  have  said,  as  the  noble 
Roman  did,  ';  I  have  rendered  to  my  country  all  the 
great  services  which  she  was  willing  to  receive  at  my 
hands,  and  I  have  never  harbored  a  thought  concerning 
her  that  was  not  divine." 

More  fortunate  than  Cicero,  who  fell  a  victim  of  civil 
wars  which  he  could  not  avert,  Adams  was  permitted 
to  linger  on  the  earth,  until  the  generations  of  that  fu 
ture  age,  for  whom  he  had  lived  and  to  whom  he  had 
appealed  from  the  condemnation  of  contemporaries, 
came  up  before  the  curtain  which  had  shut  out  his 
sight,  and  pronounced  over  him,  as  he  was  sinking  into 
the  grave,  their  judgment  of  approval  and  benediction. 

The  distinguished  characteristics  of  his  life  were  BE 
NEFICENT  LABOR  and  PERSONAL  CONTENTMENT.  He  ttCV- 

er  sought  wealth,  but  devoted  himself  to  the  service  of 
mankind.  Yet,  by  the  practice  of  frugality  and  method, 
he  secured  the  enjoyment  of  dealing  forth  continually 
no  stinted  charities,  and  died  in  affluence.  He  never 
solicited  place  or  preferment,  and  had  no  partizan  com 
binations  or  even  connections  ;  yet  he  received  honors 


400  EULOGY. 

which  eluded  the  covetous  grasp  of  those  who  formed 
parties,  rewarded  friends  and  proscribed  enemies ;  and 
he  filled  a  longer  period  of  varied  and  distinguished 
service  than  ever  fell  to  the  lot  of  any  other  citizen. 
In  every  stage  of  this  progress  he  was  CONTENT.  He 
was  content  to  be  president,  minister,  representative, 
or  citizen. 

Stricken  in  the  midst  of  this  service,  in  the  very  act 
of  rising  to  debate,  he  fell  into  the  arms  of  conscript 
fathers  of  the  Republic.  A  long  lethargy  supervened 
and  oppressed  his  senses.  Nature  rallied  the  wasting 
powers,  on  the  verge  of  the  grave,  for  a  very  brief 
period.  But  it  was  long  enough  for  him.  The  re 
kindled  eye  showed  that  the  re-collected  mind  was 
clear,  calm,  and  vigorous.  His  weeping  family,  arid  his 
sorrowing  compeers  were  there.  He  surveyed  the 
scene  and  knew  at  once  its  fatal  import.  He  had  left 
no  duty  unperformed;  he  had  no  wish  unsatisfied;  no 
ambition  unattained  ;  no  regret,  no  sorrow,  no  fear,  no 
remorse.  He  could  not  shake  off  the  dews  of  death 
that  gathered  on  his  brow.  He  could  not  pierce  the 
thick  shades  that  rose  up  before  him.  But  he  know 
that  eternity  lay  close  by  the  shores  of  time.  He  knew 
that  his  Redeemer  lived.  Eloquence,  even  in  that 
hour,  inspired  him  with  his  ancient  sublimity  of  utter 
ance.  u  THIS,"  said  the  dying  man,  "THIS  is  THE 
END  OF  EARTH."  He  paused  for  a  moment,  and  then 
added,  "  I  AM  CONTENT."  Angels  might  well  draw  aside 
the  curtains  of  the  skies  to  look  down  on  such  a 


EULOGY.  401 

scene — a  scene  that  approximated  even  to  that  scene 
of  unapproachable  sublimity,  not  to  be  recalled  with 
out,  reverence,  when,  in  mortal  agony,  ONE  who  spake 
as  never  man  spake,  said,  "  IT  is  FINISHED  !" 

Only  two  years  after  the  birth  of  John  Quincy 
Adams,  there  appeared  on  an  island  in  the  Mediter 
ranean  sea,  a  human  spirit  newly  born,  endowed  with 
equal  genius,  without  the  regulating  qualities  of  justice 
and  benevolence  which  Adams  possessed  in  an  emi 
nent  degree.  A  like  career  opened  to  both — born  like 
Adams,  a  subject  of  a  king — the  child  of  more  genial 
skies,  like  him,  became  in  early  life  a  patriot  and  a  citi 
zen  of  a  new  and  great  Republic.  Like  Adams  he  lent  his 
service  to  the  State  in  precocious  youth,  and  in  its  hour 
of  need,  and  won  its  confidence.  But  unlike  Adams 
he  could  not  wait  the  dull  delays  of  slow  and  laborious, 
but  sure  advancement.  He  sought  power  by  the  hasty 
road  that  leads  through  fields  of  carnage,  and  he  be- 
came,  like  Adams,  a  supreme  magistrate,  a  Consul 
But  there  were  other  Consuls.  He  was  not  content. 
He  thrust  them  aside,  and  was  Consul  alone.  Consular 
power  was  too  short.  He  fought  new  battles,  and  was 
Consul  for  life.  But  power,  confessedly  derived  from 
the  people,  must  be  exercised  in  obedience  to  their 
will,  and  must  be  resigned  to  them  again,  at  least  in 
death.  He  was  not  content.  He  desolated  Europe 
afresh,  subverted  the  Republic,  imprisoned  the  patri 
arch  who  presided  over  Rome's  comprehensive  See, 
and  obliged  him  to  pour  on  his  head  the  sacred  oil 


402  EULOGY. 

hat  made  the  persons  of  kings  divine,  and  their  right 
to  reign  indefeasible.  He  was  an  Emperor.  But  he 
saw  around  him  a  mother,  brothers  and  sisters,  not  en 
nobled  ;  whose  humble  state  reminded  him,  and  the 
world,  that  he  was  born  a  plebeian  ;  and  he  had  no  heir 
to  wait  impatient  for  the  imperial  crown.  He  scourged 
the  earth  again,  and  again  fortune  smiled  on  him  even 
in  his  wild  extravagance.  He  bestowed  kingdoms  and 
principalities  upon  his  kindred — put  away  the  devoted 
wife  of  his  youthful  days,  and  another,  a  daughter  of 
Hapsburgh's  imperial  house,  joyfully  accepted  his 
proud  alliance.  Offspring  gladdened  his  anxious  sight ; 
a  diadem  was  placed  on  its  infant  brow,  and  it  received 
the  homage  of  princes,  even  in  its.  cradle.  Now  he 
was  indeed  a  monarch — a  legitimate  monarch — a  mon 
arch  by  divine  appointment — the  first  of  an  endless 
succession  of  monarchs.  But  there  were  other  mon- 
arclis  who  held  sway  in  the  earth.  He  was  not  con 
tent.  He  would  reign  with  his  kindred  alone.  He 
gathered  new  and  greater  armies — from  his  own  land 
— from  subjugated  lands.  He  called  forth  the  young 
and  brave — one  from  every  household — from  the  Py 
renees  to  Zuyder  Zee — from  Jura  to  the  ocean.  He 
marshalled  them  into  long  and  majestic  columns,  and 
went  forth  to  seize  that  universal  dominion,  which 
seemed  almost  within  his  grasp.  But  ambition  had 
tempted  fortune  too  far.  The  nations  of  the  earth  re 
sisted,  repelled,  pursued,  surrounded  him.  The  pa 
geant  WP.S  ended  The  crown  fell  from  his  presumpt- 


EULOGY.  403 

nous  head.  The  wife  who  had  wedded  him  in  his 
pride,  forsook  him  when  the  hour  of  fear  came  upon 
him.  His  child  was  ravished  from  his  sight.  His  kins 
men  were  degraded  to  their  first  estate,  and  he  was  no 
longer  Emperor,  nor  Consul,  nor  General,  nor  even  a 
citizen,  but  an  exile  and  a  prisoner,  on  a  lonely  island, 
in  the  midst  of  the  wild  Atlantic.  Discontent  attended 
him  there.  The  wayward  man  fretted  out  a  few  long 
years  of  his  yet  unbroken  manhood,  looking  off  at  the 
earliest  dawn  and  in  evening's  latest  twilight,  towards 
that  distant  world  that  had  only  just  eluded  his 
grasp.  His  heart  corroded.  Death  came,  not  unlocked 
for,  though  it  came  even  then  unwelcome.  He  was 
stretched  on  his  bed  within  the  fort  which  constituted 
his  prison.  A  few  fast  and  faithful  friends  stood 
around,  with  the  guards  who  rejoiced  that  the  hour  of 
relief  from  long  and  wearisome  watching  was  at  hand. 
As  his  strength  wasted  away,  delirium  stirred  up  the 
brain  from  its  long  and  inglorious  inactivity.  The  pa 
geant  of  ambition  returned.  He  was  again  a  Lieuten 
ant,  a  General,  a  Consul,  an  Emperor  of  France.  He 
filled  again  the  throne  of  Charlemagne.  His  kindred 
pressed  around  him  again,  re-invested  with  the  pompous 
pageantry  of  royalty.  The  daughter  of  the  long  line 
of  kings  again  stood  proudly  by  his  side,  and  the  sunny 
face  of  his  child  shone  out  from  beneath  the  diadem 
that  encircled  its  flowing  locks.  The  marshals  of  the 
Empire  awaited  his  command.  The  legions  of  the  old 
guard  were  in  the  field,  their  scarred  faces  rejuve- 


404  EULOGY. 

nated,  and  their  ranks,  thinned  in  many  battles,  replen 
ished,  Russia,  Prussia,  Austria,  Denmark  and  England, 
gathered  their  mighty  hosts  to  give  him  battle.  Once 
more  he  mounted  his  impatient  charger,  and  rushed 
forth  to  conquest.  He  waved  his  sword  aloft,  and 
cried  "  TETE  D'ARMEE."  The  feverish  vision  broke — 
the  mockery  was  ended.  The  silver  cord  was  loosed, 
and  the  warrior  fell  back  upon  his  bed  a  lifeless  corpse. 
Tins  was  the  END  OF  EARTH.  THE  CORSICAN  WAS  NOT 
CONTENT. 

STATESMEN  AND  CITIZENS  !  the  contrast  suggests  its 
own  impressive  moral. 


TFIE    END. 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 
LOAN  DEPT. 

This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 

on  the  date  to  which  renewed. 
Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 


'"'.r  \.~~ 

-ttO^SMrtfc 

a  •  '  •"     ;-      Irih0 

--       •  •  .; 

-•• 

Gui  3  H958 

.   ^     '„     *-\J 

jssaiS 

,y 

imX^f^Vfo    L_O 

RII—  /**•  t  «  "\   f  r*s 

'P«^J  *3 

EC  D  L.D 

JAN  13  1959 

^^ 

/ 

16Apr'608S 

V^ 

REC'D  LD 

KEC'D  LD 

W*  2     I960 

; 

LD  21A-50m-9,'58 
(6889slO)476B 


General  Library 

University  of  California 

Berkeley 


YB  2C302 


•"-  »•• 

/r  I         » 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 


